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901.
Ella Paneyakh 《后苏联事务》2014,30(2-3):115-136
A specialist on Russian law enforcement examines a critical source of prosecution and conviction bias in that country – the system by which prosecutors, police, judges, and other legal professionals are evaluated. More specifically, she demonstrates how that system (exclusive of any inherent corruption or bias) institutionalizes incentives for the prosecution of large numbers of defendants in routine cases for the purpose of meeting informal quotas. Officials from a variety of law enforcement agencies, seeking to “hit their numbers,” develop techniques of selecting the “right” cases (and avoiding “wrong” ones), manipulating charges depending on the victim's and defendant's statuses.  相似文献   
902.
《Communist and Post》2014,47(3-4):333-343
This article examines the emotion-based status-seeking logic in Russia's foreign policy vis-à-vis the West, presenting the example of Russia's reactions to NATO's military campaign against Serbia in 1999. It is argued that Russian assertiveness in combination with expressive rhetoric must be understood as a result of the ruling elite's need to have Russia's identity and self-defined social status as an equal great power in world politics respected by its Western interaction partners. Russia's reactions to NATO's intervention, which was not authorized by the UN Security Council, must be read as a strategy coping with the emotion anger about the perceived humiliation and provocation of status denial and ignorance by the West. We find various elements of such a coping strategy, among them the verbalization of the feeling of anger among Russian political circles and the media; uttering retaliation threats, but no ‘real’ aggressive, retaliatory action; minor and temporary activities aimed at restoring Russia's image and status as an influential an equal power. On the surface, the Kosovo episode did not result in any visible break or rift in the Russian–Western relationship. However, emotionally it has lead to a significant loss of trust in the respective partner on both sides.  相似文献   
903.
This paper builds on scholarship of welfare chauvinism in Europe to present evidence of the relationship between xenophobia and family leave policies in contemporary Russia. I argue that popular anti-immigrant moods pressure government into providing more generous family benefits to Russian families while proposing restrictions to migrants. Findings are based on elite interviews, as well as content analysis of mass media, policy documents, public speeches, and party manifestos. I show that xenophobia is widespread in Russia among the public and policymakers alike, and find that xenophobia is embraced by policymakers to guide decisions regarding the allocation of social benefits.  相似文献   
904.
It is established that Party-army relation followed a "separated" pattern in the Soviet Union as opposed to an "infused" pattern in China. This article explores the historical origin of this difference in the revolutionary periods. By analyzing the biographies of communist military elites, it argues that this discrepancy took shape before the revolutionary takeover and resulted from the differentiated intensities of warfare across Russia and China. In China, the numerous civil wars and military defeats, radicalized the old military structure and boosted societal militarization; thus, eroding the mutual exclusion between the military and revolutionaries. The effect was lesser in Tsarist Russia than in prerevolutionary China, making the old military a conservative and professional corporate that the Bolsheviks could not completely subordinate to Party control.  相似文献   
905.
Reform of the Russian domestic natural gas sector has been discussed for several decades but has not been carried out. The state-controlled energy company Gazprom holds a dominant position in the domestic market, supplying the population with gas, carrying out societal functions, and in return getting privileges from the state. Recently, however, independent gas producers have increased their market shares and are lobbying for liberalization. While Gazprom might gain from reform, it continues to warn against the dangers of altering the gas market structure too abruptly. Analyzing Gazprom’s reasoning through an ideational analytical lens, this article finds that Gazprom’s reluctance to change can be explained not only by its interests but also by norms and beliefs. Reform studies should take note of Gazprom’s idea of “keeping the country together,” not least because the company has a sounding board in the President, who makes the final decisions.  相似文献   
906.
张晓艳  米军 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(2):110-115
俄罗斯养老金制度起源于前苏维埃时期。前苏联解体后,俄罗斯政府为了适应市场经济发展的需要,改革了国家集中管理的养老保险制度,实行了资金来源多样化的、重视效率并兼顾公平的社会保障模式。新的养老金制度支付体系的实施,表明俄罗斯基本建立起了社会化的养老保险制度框架。政府预算开支已经显著降低,依靠社会集资占据主导地位。但是2000年以前的养老金制度实质上仍是前苏联时期的现收现支体系的翻版。从2001年12月起,《俄罗斯联邦强制养老保险法》、《俄罗斯联邦国家养老保障法》和《俄罗斯联邦劳动养老金法》同时开始生效。这标志着俄罗斯的养老保障体制改革进入了一个更加完备的有法律保障的发展阶段。  相似文献   
907.
中俄区域经济合作路径探析   总被引:2,自引:2,他引:0  
中俄区域经济合作始终是两国政府、学术界和实业界关注的热点问题之一。虽然近几年中俄区域经济合作得到较快发展,但总体上滞后于经济全球化和区域经济一体化的发展趋势,特别是与两国经济实力和发展潜力不相称。因此,如何继续推进和深化中俄区域经济合作,现已成为两国政府面临的共同任务。随着中国西部大开发、东北老工业基地的振兴和俄罗斯西伯利亚与远东开发战略的实施,中俄区域经济合作迎来了一个新的战略发展时期。  相似文献   
908.
叶艳华 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(4):126-封3
1905年革命中,俄国各政党纷纷登上政治舞台,在推动革命进程中发挥了不同程度的作用。首先,从资产阶级在革命中的影响以及革命的进程看,资产阶级及其政党做出了重要贡献。其次,社会革命党在革命期间积极扩大在农民和工人群众中的影响,在推动革命进程中也起到重要作用。再次,作为俄国无产阶级的代表,社会民主党在革命中同样发挥了重要影响,但就其整体而言,不足以与资产阶级政党相抗衡,其作用是有限的。  相似文献   
909.
由于国际竞争以及国际国内市场对技术人才的迫切需要,职业教育在全球范围内普遍受到重视,呈现出强劲的发展态势。世界各主要国家为谋求职业教育和经济建设及和谐社会的发展,纷纷推行职业教育改革。俄罗斯政府也十分重视职业教育改革,为保证俄罗斯职业教育健康、稳定和可持续发展,对从前苏联延袭的职业教育弊端及出现的一些新问题进行了适合本国经济发展和与社会相适应的一系列改革。俄罗斯职业教育改革的经验及教训对我国职业教育的改革与发展有相当重要的借鉴意义。  相似文献   
910.
根据俄罗斯现行刑法典和刑事执行法典的规定 ,俄罗斯的行刑社会化制度 ,包括不将被判刑人与社会隔离的刑罚的行刑社会化、剥夺自由刑的行刑社会化 ,假释和缓刑四项内容。规定行刑社会化制度的目的 ,在于组织社会力量参与对服刑罪犯的惩罚与改造 ,使其回归社会后能够适应正常的社会生活 ,不重新犯罪  相似文献   
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