Same-sex Versus Other-sex Best Friendship in Early Adolescence: Longitudinal Predictors of Antisocial Behavior Throughout Adolescence

This study examines the relationship between having other-sex versus same-sex best friends and antisocial behavior throughout early adolescence. Participants (N = 955) were recruited in 6th grade and followed longitudinally through 7th, 8th, and 11th grades. Participants were 58% ethnically diverse youth and 48% girls. Results indicate that the frequency of other-sex best friendship remained stable from 6th to 7th grade but significantly increased from 8th to 11th grade. Higher rates of concurrent antisocial behavior were related to having other-sex best friends in 6th grade but not in 7th grade. In 8th grade, there was an interaction between friendship and the sex of friends. Boys with only same-sex best friends and girls with other-sex best friends endorsed higher rates of antisocial behavior. Having other-sex best friends predicted antisocial behavior from 6th to 7th grade and 8th to 11th grade, especially for girls. Implications for the development of early adolescent friendship and antisocial behavior are discussed.

加强中俄科技合作 促进我国西部开发——推荐30项中俄产业科技合作项目

加强对俄高科技产业合作已成为发展对俄经贸的一项重要战略内容、在可预见的未来．它将在中俄经贸关系中居先导地位。在我国实施西部大开发战略中．开展中俄产业科技大合作．必将有力地促进两国经济及经贸关系的大发展。为此．本文介绍了中国西部地区与俄罗斯的产业技术合作的历史与现实基础．提出了西部地区拟重点规划的３０项中俄产业科技合作项目以及西部大开发战略中的中俄产业科技合作方式。     

试析美国对华政策的利益集团因素

在美国的外交决策中,利益集团有着不可忽视的影响力.冷战后,利益集团更是公开走到了前台,通过游说等手段间接地影响着美国对外政策的制定.为此,中国在处理中美关系时,必须把美国各利益集团因素考虑进去,大力开展第二渠道外交.     

邓小平对日外交思想略论

对日外交的战略目标是中日世代友好 ;必须树立中日友好的大局思想 ,全方位推进对日外交。历史问题是两国关系中的敏感神经 ,按照“正视历史、以史为鉴”的方针解决历史问题是实现中日友好的政治基础。运用又团结又斗争的方针和利用矛盾的方针来处理中日关系是行之有效的对日外交策略思想。求同存异的原则既是对日外交的工作基点 ,也是寓于邓小平对日外交思想的哲学理念。     

对我国“大部制”改革若干问题的思考

大部制顺应了市场经济和服务型政府建设的要求,它是成熟市场经济国家与服务型政府职能相一致的政府组织体制,是与西方地方自治前提下的中央地方权力功能性分立相一致的。中国的国情决定我们在实行大部制改革过程中应深刻调整中央地方的关系,协调与党的机构、人大政协机构的关系,从决策、执行、监督相一致的高度设计,打破目前部门利益格局的权力运行框架。     

Playing the fool in the territory of memory: Jaan Kross' autobiographical fictions of the twentieth century

A study was conducted among young Latvians to test the effects of different conceptualizations of Latvian national identity on group beliefs and on attitudes towards Russians. It was hypothesized that exposure to inclusive discourse presenting Latvia as a multicultural society rather than an ethnic homeland would have a direct negative effect on feelings of vulnerability, injustice, distrust, superiority and helplessness with regard to the Latvian nation and a positive effect on attitudes towards Russians. The hypothesis was tested in one survey study conducted in Riga among ethnic Latvians (N?=?150).     

The Taliban: a new proxy for Iran in Afghanistan?

Abstract

Iran has pursued a highly contradictory policy towards Afghanistan. On the one hand, it became a significant beneficiary of the overthrow of the Taliban regime by the US-led military intervention in 2001 in Afghanistan. The new Afghan government established cordial ties with Iran, allowing it to expand its political, economic and cultural influence in the country. Yet Iran has also provided significant support to the Taliban in its campaign to violently upend the political, social and economic processes in the country. This article examines the underlying domestic and regional security dynamics that contribute to this contradictory behaviour. It offers an assessment of how tensions between the United States and the Islamic Republic, as well as Tehran’s growing threat perception following the rise of the Islamic State – Khorasan in 2014, impact on Iran’s policy towards the Taliban. The paper argues that Tehran views the Taliban as an instrument to disrupt the influence of other actors in Afghanistan. The instrumentalisation of the Taliban, however, is likely to be counterproductive for Iranian security in the long run as it contributes to Afghanistan’s instability and insecurity and undermines Iran’s own long-term interests.     

State transformation and cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery: contesting the centre

Abstract

This article examines how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the Indonesian state and resultant central–local dynamics affect cross-border regionalism in Indonesia’s periphery. It argues that cross-border regionalism projects are best understood as sites for scalar contestation over regulatory control between central and local government. Moreover, scalar contestation around cross-border regional projects is characterised by the struggles to control relationships with transnational capital between elites operating at different tiers of the state. When elites at different scales have conflicting interests and strategies, this can cause policy incoherence, inhibiting the development of cross-border regionalism. Conversely, when they align, and intersect with the interests of transnational business, cross-border regionalism can succeed. To illustrate the argument, this article utilises the comparative case studies of the Batam free trade zone and West Kalimantan–Sarawak cross-border cooperation.     

米尔斯基和他的《俄国文学史》

"公爵同志"米尔斯基是20世纪二三十年代欧美和苏联文学界、知识界的重要人物之一,他充满突转的生活经历和坚忍不拔的文学活动构成文坛的一段传奇,甚或那一代俄国知识分子之命运的缩影和象征。他用英文撰写的《俄国文学史》被纳博科夫称为"用包括俄语在内的所有语言写就的最好一部俄国文学史",所谓"米尔斯基文学史"因其"折中主义"的文学史观、主客观统一的批评手法和极富个性的话语风格而独树一帜,被视为西方俄国文学研究的奠基之作,长期被欧美高校斯拉夫系用作俄国文学史教材,其影响历久不衰。     

Unexpected Persistence Amidst Enlargement Stasis: Usages of Europe in Turkey’s Nuclear Energy Debate

Recent studies on European Union (EU) Enlargement have emphasised the importance of usages of ‘Europe’ by domestic actors as a necessary condition for the EU to have an impact on domestic politics. We study the usages of Europe in the critical case of Turkey’s nuclear energy policy. We analyse the narratives and actions of domestic actors in Turkey to identify if they use ‘Europe’ (the EU and the idea of Europe). We reach the counter-intuitive finding of usages by both state and non-state actors, which illustrates that usages of Europe can persist despite enlargement stasis in candidate states.