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171.
Leah Temper 《The Journal of peasant studies》2019,46(1):188-216
This paper explores the political processes that activists engaged in contesting land grabbing have triggered to connect claims across borders and to international institutions, regimes and processes. Through a review of cases of land-grab resistance that have led to project cancelation or suspension, I argue that contextual elements of the land grab and shifting geopolitics highlight the need for adaptation and refinement of models of transnational advocacy, historically structured in North–South patterns. For example, while some elements of the boomerang pattern of transnational advocacy are still relevant, changing realities call for new empirically enriched models. To this end, I outline two typologies of political contention that can help us conceptualize multi-scalar interactions between activists to demonstrate the impact of local resistances at larger scales – ‘the catapult effect’ and the ‘minefield effect’. This paper contributes to calls for further theorization to understand how feedback processes between international discourses, meso-politics and conflicts and resistance at local sites of production impact the implementation of contested land deals. 相似文献
172.
173.
How voters' perceptions of junior coalition partners depend on the prime minister's position 下载免费PDF全文
Recent studies document that voters infer parties' left‐right policy agreement based on governing coalition arrangements. This article extends this research to present theoretical and empirical evidence that European citizens update their perceptions of junior coalition partners' left‐right policies to reflect the policies of the prime minister's party, but that citizens do not reciprocally project junior coalition partners' policies onto the prime minister's party. These findings illuminate the simple rules that citizens employ to infer parties' policy positions, broaden understanding of how citizens perceive coalition governance and imply that ‘niche’ parties, whose electoral appeal depends upon maintaining a distinctive policy profile, assume electoral risks when they enter government. 相似文献
174.
Dennis Vicencio Blanco 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2017,40(1):89-99
The paper attempts to situate distributive politics in the context of epistemic governance. The paper also seeks to analyze the various structures and systems, actors, agents and stakeholders, and norms and behaviors involved within the realm of theory and praxis in distributive politics. It borrows from the epistemic work targets espoused by Alasuutari and Qadir (2014), namely the environment, actors and virtues. Finally, the paper proposes an epistemic governance as policy approach in distributive politics as it tries to argue the shift of power from the hands of the political elites to the hands of the politically astute epistemes. 相似文献
175.
Damir Kapidžić 《Southeast European and Black Sea Studies》2020,20(1):81-101
ABSTRACTIncremental democratic decline is evident in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), but measures of democracy conceal an uneven subnational distribution of autocratization. So far there has been limited research on the drivers and constraints to subnational autocratization. This paper aims to contribute to the literature on power-sharing by exploring instances of illiberal politics enacted by parties in government at the subnational level in BiH. Evidence is gathered through semi-structured interviews and analysis of three specific cases of illiberal politics. We find that the political contest in BiH is purposefully contained within ethnic and subnational boundaries and constrained through several layers of institutionalized multilevel and ethnic checks and balances. The main drivers of subnational autocratization are opportunities that arise from the institutional framework established during early democratization and postwar structures that blend executive dominance with economic power and informal party networks, and occasionally from an individual actor’s perceptions of threat. Democratization in BiH will need to address subnational politics and deep-rooted power structures if it is to be successful. 相似文献
176.
近30年来,台湾女性运动与思潮发展迅猛。特别在上世纪90年代,焦点一度从争取参政权、财产权等公共领域转入“私领域”,更多地关注女性的性欲和身体。这一发展,深刻地显示了台湾社会女性思潮的重大变化。 相似文献
177.
朱富强 《西南政法大学学报》2009,11(4):110-120
现代社会民主化进程中往往呈现出两种现象:一是庸人往往占据高位,而那些事变创造性人物则越来越为主流社会所遗弃,导致新思想对社会产生作用的时滞越来越长;二是呈现出强烈的极端性和好斗性,那些拥有权力优势的国家和个人更易于实行机会主义。究其原因,这体现了当今民主体制的缺陷和相关条件的不成熟。一者,如果对民主选举的范围和内容不进行界定,那么多数至上规则中获得优胜的往往是基于影响力原则而不是贤能原则;二者,如果社会大众的教育水平没有达到一定程度,那么集体行动往往会呈现出狂热和非理性。 相似文献
178.
人大学在法学知识体系中的产出量、重要学科地位有待提高。不宜继续沿用“人大制度学”、“人大制度研究”等称谓,一般应采用“人大学”、“人大法学”等称谓。人大法真包含于宪法,但是,宪法学真包含于人大法学,不过,宪法学与人大法学真包含于人大学。研究的主体是人大法及人大法学,反对片面地从研究内容上将人大学与宪法学完全割裂开来。以往人大学研究的理论苍白,很大程度上与研究方法的边缘性知识熏陶、训练之缺乏有关。人大学的法学之维阐释是永无止境的,惟其如此,不断提高人大学的理论性与实用性并希冀给法学人能在这个领域不断追求知识增量的愿望和持久的信仰。 相似文献
179.
在政治实践中,公民社会遇到了理论和实际上的困境,公民社会以强有力的自我调节功能,推动着社会主义民主向纵深发展。 相似文献
180.
郝文丽 《河北青年管理干部学院学报》2007,(3):78-81
中国共产党提出的社会主义和谐社会理论,是中国共产党对马克思主义的再认识。和谐社会理论反映了时代要求和中心任务的需要;反映了社会主义建设实践的需要。因此,我们应进一步加强和改进新时期思想政治工作,科学定位,重新构建工作内容,努力探索新的工作方法,使政治思想教育更好地在经济建设中发挥其服务保证作用。 相似文献