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181.
ABSTRACTWhy do terrorists engage in behavior that is extreme even by their own admission—killing children? This behavior poses a major puzzle to our understanding of terrorism, but it has been surprisingly underexplored. This article addresses the question of why terrorists intentionally target children with a comparative study of the two deadliest attacks in which children were deliberately targeted by a militant organization: the Peshawar (2014) and Beslan (2004) school massacres. The article identifies two factors that increase the likelihood that a terrorist group will target children. The first is the presence of internal rifts within an already highly violent organization. This is likely to trigger outbidding and, thus, result in more brutal attacks. The second is existentially threatening external pressure, which seriously weakens the group and, thus, leads it to select soft and shocking targets, such as schools. The findings are based on evidence drawn from primary and secondary sources, including interviews conducted in Peshawar and Islamabad, Pakistan, and Moscow, Russia. 相似文献
182.
Charalampos Efstathopoulos 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(1):74-95
Abstract India's spectacular rise in recent years has been the source of hyperbolic theorising and speculation on its major power status. Middle power theory offers a set of dynamic analytical parameters which allow for re-evaluating India's global influence and identifying both strengths and weaknesses of its power projection and resources. Placing emphasis on themes of Third World leadership, good international citizenship, multilateral activism, bridge-building diplomacy, and coalition-building with like-minded states, the middle power concept can encapsulate key aspects of India's contemporary agency and account for structural dynamics which constitute a reformist world-view through the reconfiguration of the Indian state within the existing world order. Overall, middlepowermanship delineates fundamental continuities in India's foreign policy tradition, epitomises India's existing position in the neoliberal world order, while providing a good indication of the directions India will take on the global stage in the short and medium-term. 相似文献
183.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(2):146-165
AbstractChinese émigré intellectuals who fled from the mainland before 1950 have long been a popular research topic within Chinese academia. While most existing literature tends to attribute the formation of the thought of these émigrés to various domestic factors, this article takes a new angle on the émigrés—putting their thinking in the context of the Cold War. Assessing the impact of anti-Communist Cold War currents on various Chinese émigré intellectuals, this study suggests that not all émigrés succumbed to these currents. Some were convinced by anti-utopian trends in the West and turned against all kinds of socialism. Some remained consistent in their socialist beliefs in the face of the Communist threat. Some perceived an urgent need to revive the Confucian tradition so as to counteract Communist expansion. Cold War currents were influential in the thought of some émigré intellectuals, but such an influence was rather limited. 相似文献
184.
Abdelaziz Testas 《Democratization》2013,20(2):87-120
The United States' approach to Algeria's civil conflict has been based on the stringent assumption that a choice must be made between a secular government that is prowestern (although corrupt and repressive) and an Islamist regime that is anti-western (although equally repressive if allowed to govern). The article shows that this approach not only works to sustain authoritarianism in Algeria and reinforce a vicious cycle of poverry and civil violence, but also ignores the causal links between the practice of dictatorship in the country and the rise of anti-American violence. In this sense, America's foreign policy towards Algeria is a contributory factor to transnational terrorism. An alternative approach that is based on economic development and democracy promotion is proposed here to achieve sustainable democracy and internal peace in Algeria and weaken the forces that give rise to antiAmerican violence. 相似文献
185.
Associate Professor Ming Sing 《Democratization》2013,20(2):244-261
Hong Kong witnessed a large-scale public rally and extensive support for democracy in mid-2003. This article explains the support by means of variables extracted from cultural, instrumental and sociological approaches. Drawn from the cultural approach, ‘post-materialistic activism’ and low levels of ‘respect for authority’ are found to be most powerful in explaining mass support, among all explanatory variables. Since culture seldom changes overnight, popular support for democracy may be sustained in the short and medium term. The calculation of the economic consequences for democracy, a variable drawn from the instrumental approach, has no effect on mass support. Thus, any attempt to suppress popular demand for democracy by offering economic sweeteners alone may prove futile. The most important instrumental factor among the public is ‘their confidence in political parties’. Whether pan-democratic parties can elevate such confidence becomes pivotal to boosting and sustaining this support. The lack of relatively stronger support among the younger and more educated stratum of people in Hong Kong does not bode well for prospects of increased mass support in the future. Finally, the article offers a small footnote on the implications for the ‘Asian values’ debate. 相似文献
186.
Georgina Blakeley 《Democratization》2013,20(2):240-259
The Reparation Law1 approved on 26 December 2007 is the latest link in a chain of reparatory measures from the earliest days of Spain's transition to democracy to deal with the legacy of the Civil War and the Francoist dictatorship. Numerous articles have analysed the historical memory movement2 and the reasons behind the timing and scope of Spain's reckoning with the past.3 This literature presents the case of Spain as a counterpoint to the received wisdom of the transitional justice literature that successful democratization requires reconciliation. This article contributes to the specific literature on Spain, and the wider transitional justice literature, by focusing on an area which has not yet been analysed: the ‘co-construction’ and content of the Law. Through a comparison of the draft bill and the final Law, this article fills this gap. 相似文献
187.
徐克林 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2014,(1):5-9
监狱要提高监管安全控制效能,可借鉴孙子兵法"利与害、阳与阴、正与奇、虚与实"对立统一的军事哲学思想,努力谋求与践行"安全控制与风险控制、公开控制与隐蔽控制、正道控制与诡道控制、管理控制与技术控制"相统一的监管安全策略。 相似文献
188.
Jon BingAuthor Vitae 《Computer Law & Security Report》2009,25(1):89-96
As a contribution to this special issue of CLSR, Jon Bing offers a unique wartime account of one of the earliest attempts to prevent ‘online processing’ of personal data by the occupying authorities for oppressive purposes. 相似文献
189.
全球化热潮在当今世界发展进程币日趋明显,一系列伴随的问题和困惑正迎面而来,在以马克思主义为主流意识形态的中国,必须用马克思主义的理论和观点来指导和认识社会历史的发展状况,对于全球化,深入理解而不是简单认识马克思的社会形态演进理论十分关键。全球化和马克思的社会形态演进理论之间的关系将迎刃而解,社会历史发展的规律和中国在全球化之下的发展路径和疑惑将得到解决。 相似文献
190.
M. Slaus D. Strinovic V. Petrovecki D. Mayer V. Vyroubal Z. Bedic 《Forensic Science International Supplement Series》2009,1(1):69-71