霸权护持与美国的代理人战略

霸权护持是霸权国在霸权周期内的主要战略目标。通过考察二战结束以来美国霸权护持的历史轨迹,可以看出,代理人战略是美国频频实践但仍缺乏深入研究的现象。代理人战略是一种国家不直接出面,而是借助安全与外交领域的代理人实现间接制衡目标的战略手段。明确对手且制定相应策略是美国大战略的重要特征,当前美国政府认定的霸权威胁来源包括战略竞争对手、地区反美国家及恐怖主义等。基于战略目标的不同,美国针对上述三种威胁所采取的代理人战略的类型亦存在差异,分别是国家代理人战略、复合代理人战略以及次国家代理人战略。美国寻找的代理人一般与目标对象存在重大冲突或战略矛盾,代理人具有消耗与削弱对手的能力,代理人战略的实施路径包括威胁共识搭建及借力打力实践两个阶段。对于冷战后美国代理人战略的实践进行考察,有助于我们深入把握这种战略形式的逻辑延展及未来走向。     

冷战后缅甸的对华政策

在冷战期间,中国对缅甸采取党对党、政府对政府的双重政策。１９８８ 年缅甸发生政治动乱后,中国终止了对缅共的支持。１９８９ 年４ 月缅共因发生内讧而解体,年迈的领导人被遗弃,这一中缅关系中的敏感问题不复存在。鉴于共同的世界观,中缅双方高层人员往来频繁。双方高级将领也经常互访,以加强缅军与中国人民解放军之间的人事关系     

(Re)Productive Discourses: Media Coverage of Children Born of War in Colombia

Children born as a result of wartime sexual violence have not gained a place in the stories covered by the Colombian media. Based on an extensive content analysis (using the software MAXQDA 12) of newspaper articles published between 1990 and 2015, ethnographic content analysis, and drawing upon feminist critical discourse analysis, this paper explores how information about these children is presented as part of storylines that use the explanatory framework of sexual violence as a weapon of war. In those storylines, children emerge not as independent subjects but as part of social representations of female victims of wartime sexual violence and male perpetrators.     

略论抗战相持阶段国民政府的军事战略--以南岳军事会议和长沙会战为中心的研究

详细研究国民政府在抗日战争相持阶段军事战略的学术成果不多,且以否定居多。通过研究三次南岳军事会议和四次长沙作战的具体史实,可归纳出此时期国民政府军事战略的四个特点：持久战的总体构想;重视湖南战场,屏蔽大后方;不再一味死守重要城市;应战而不求战的策略。据此可以认为,国民政府基本把握了抗战相持阶段的特点,其军事战略基本上是正确的,即以持久战对抗日本的速决战,以空间换时间。尽管主客观方面的原因使得国民政府在相持阶段的军事战略显得有些保守,但是不加分析地责难其“消极、妥协、退让”,是有些苛求的。     

Trade Measures and Climate Compliance: Institutional Interplay Between WTO and the Marrakesh Accords

This article examines the potential of trade measures to induce more climate-friendly policies, focusing on the relationship between global trade rules and the Kyoto climate regime. At the core of this interplay is the normative consistency of trade-related rules in the two regimes and any hierarchical relationship between them. The stronger clout of the WTO and its compulsory dispute settlement system suggest that issues involving competing claims would be referred to WTO bodies. Such bodies have so far been restrictive regarding the exceptions in WTO agreements to the general ban on embargoes and discrimination. The normative compatibility of the two regimes will also depend on their participatory interplay, specifically how they differentiate groups of actors as to rights and obligations. Non-members of WTO receive the least protection, and their vulnerability to climate-related trade measures is largely determined by their interdependence with states that consider employment of such measures. Among WTO members, the findings of a dispute settlement body would presumably differ depending on the status of the target under the Kyoto Protocol. A non-complier with Kyoto commitments would be more shielded than a non-party, because by joining the Kyoto regime a non-complier has exposed itself to regime-internal and less trade intrusive measures that should be exhausted first. A third dimension of interplay is linkage, or efforts to influence the regime interplay. To date there has only been moderate cross-agency coordination, but considerable attention is paid within each regime, including in the Millennium Round of trade negotiations, to the desirability of avoiding conflict between them.     

《孙子兵法》与处置群体性事件谋略

《孙子兵法》作为一部论述谋略智慧的军事巨著,在孙子“全胜”思想的指导下,主张通过认识战争规律来控制战局,用计策谋略来赢得战果。当下,公安机关根据群体性事件的特点,按照“以柔克刚、依法行动、注重实效”的处置原则,通常采用《孙子兵法》的“攻心”、“择机”、“拖延”和“就势”谋略,科学妥善的处置群体性事件。     

评但丁《论世界帝国》中的法律思想

但丁是意大利文艺复兴时期的著名诗人,也是西方政治法律思想发展过程中由神学传统转向人文主义传统的过渡性人物。通过概述但丁《论世界帝国》一书中的成书背景,总结了其中的法律思想,并评析了但丁法律思想的哲学立场、时代特征和历史影响。     

Context and Continuity: Philistines,Pharisees and Art in English Culture

Cultural identity is an important facet of globalization, and cultural policy involves an international network of policymakers at the subnational, national, and supranational levels. It is often unclear what cultural identity means and who effects policy change, especially in a fast-changing world. The author examines one of the most important cultural policy conflicts of the last two decades to suggest that the intersections among multiple policymakers led to considerable learning through interaction and clear articulation of policy preferences. The author examines the culture war between the European Union (EU) and the United States over trade in cultural products.¹ The conflict played out in international organizations and allowed the EU to come together to articulate a somewhat coherent cultural identity policy, while the United States realized the difficulty of sustaining cultural exports in the context of provocative cultural identity frames.     

Ghosts in the Shell: On South Africa,the USA and Japan

This article surveys American literary responses to the rise of Japan as an economic power during the period from the late 1970s to the early 1990s, and examines how these responses were anticipated in the writings of the South African author Laurens van der Post. Paying particular attention to van der Post’s autobiography, Yet Being Someone Other (1982), I suggest that the author’s formative experiences aboard a Japanese trading vessel in 1926, coupled with South Africa’s close-knit trading relationship with Japan in the 1980s, enabled a perspective on Japan’s economic ascendancy that was markedly less reactionary than those in the USA. By emphasizing the historical contexts that held true at the time of publication, I situate Yet Being Someone Other in a framework that deliberately circumvents—without necessarily confronting—van der Post’s preferred version of his life story. Rather than “recovering” the author’s ‘place in the canon of South African literature, this article is intended to incorporate the author’s work into ongoing discussions of the representation of Japan and the Japanese in twentieth-century Anglophone writings.     

战后国民政府对缅遣侨问题初探

二战期间,英美两国倡导创建联合国善后救济总署(UNRRA),统筹协调战后世界各国难民的救助与遣返工作.战后,在联合国善后救济总署的指导与帮助下,国民政府精心筹划组织,动用大量人财物力,开展艰苦卓绝的东南亚华侨遣返复员工作.因国民政府对缅遣侨过程最为复杂,外交交涉最为困难,遣返人数亦最多,故成为整个遣侨工作的重中之重.