International institutions and market expectations: Stock price responses to the WTO ruling on the 2002 U.S. steel tariffs

Many scholars assert that international institutions have little power to enforce laws, punish offenders, or force compliance. Others stress that international institutions are important actors, specifically in the regulation of international trade. In this paper, I show that the recent trade dispute over U.S. steel protection provides us with a critical case to evaluate the role of the World Trade Organization in settling trade disputes and specifically stabilizing expectations of market actors over future steel policy. I argue that stock prices can serve as an important tool in answering these questions. In an empirical analysis using daily steel stock prices, I find that during the 2002 WTO steel case, the WTO dispute mechanism helped market actors stabilize expectations of future trade policy.

上海大型居住社区高质量发展的理论分析与政策探讨——基于上海市五个大型居住社区的经验调查

本文基于上海市五个大型居住社区(以下简称"大居")的问卷调查与实地走访,梳理了上海"大居"现有就业机会、服务资源的配置情况以及居民需求状况。调查显示,上海"大居"在社区商业设施配套、公共交通设施、文体娱乐活动、物业管理服务以及教育资源等公共服务配套方面仍存在供需失衡问题,尚不能满足居民更高层次的需求。因而,要通过加快优质公共服务资源的导入,扭转"大居"弱势群体集聚的薄弱态势,推动人口结构优化,带动市场化资源的注入,培育"大居"社区内生增长动力,将"大居"建成多阶层、多群体共荣共享的高品质社区。     

论企业数据权益的法律保护——基于数据法律性质的分析

在互联网与大数据时代,数据已经成为企业的重要资产,对企业数据权益应当进行合理保护。但对企业数据不宜进行绝对化与排他性的财产权保护,因为此种保护违背数据的基本特征——数据并不具有排他性与竞争性。保护企业数据权益应当以促进数据共享为目标,企业数据的合理保护应当有利于促进数据共享。对企业数据应当进行类型化与场景化保护。对于非公开的企业数据,应当提供商业秘密保护;对于半公开的数据库数据,应当提供类似欧盟的数据库特殊权利保护;对于公开的网络平台数据,应当采取竞争法保护,避免恶性搭便车行为。法律还应当为企业主动公开的数据提供特殊类型的保护,允许企业设置白名单与黑名单。此外,法律也应当协调保护个人数据与企业数据,在优先保护个人数据的前提下,实现个人数据隐私期待与企业数据权益的共赢。     

企业商业秘密的保护

商业秘密对于企业的重要性不言而喻,很多国家都制定了专门的法律法规对其进行保护。面对我国当前在商业秘密保护方面所面临的严峻形势,除了应借鉴国外大企业关于商业秘密保护的一些实际有效的措施之外,还应通过法律途径加强对商业秘密的保护和救济。     

Past as global trade governance prelude: reconfiguring debate about reform of the multilateral trading system

This paper peers backwards into the history of the multilateral trading system and its development over the past half century as a means of considering what may lie beyond the horizon for the future of global trade governance. Its purpose is to underscore the necessity and urgency for root-and-branch reform of the multilateral trading system. It achieves this by comparing and contrasting the global trading system of 50 years ago with its modern-day equivalent and its likely future counterpart half-a-century hence. In so doing, the paper throws into sharp relief not only the inadequacies of global trade governance today but also the damaging consequences of not fundamentally reforming the system in the near future, with a particular emphasis on the past, present and future development of the world’s poorest and most marginalised countries.     

Brexit: A Cliff Edge or a Small Bump in the Road?

It is becoming increasingly accepted, not least by the Prime Minister and opposition leadership, that the negotiation of a comprehensive trade relationship with the EU is necessary to prevent the UK economy falling off a ‘cliff edge’. This concern is shaping the UK's strategy towards negotiations with the EU and has provided at least part of the motivation for the UK to consider requesting a transition period to facilitate the Brexit process. But how accurate are these fears? What evidence is there for the existence of a ‘cliff edge’? How disastrous would it be for the UK to revert to trading with the EU on the same basis as most other countries in the world, namely according to World Trade Organisation rules? This article seeks to address these issues and it highlights a number of implications for policy makers which flow from understanding the available evidence a little more clearly.     

广东—东盟贸易投资存在的问题与对策研究

本文在全球金融危机的背景下,阐述了加强广东与东盟贸易、投资合作的必要性和迫切性;进而从广东经济结构调整需要的视角,分析了广东与东盟在贸易、投资合作中存在的问题及成因;并据此提出构建广东-东盟贸易投资综合平台的设想,论证构建该平台的基本条件,最后提出促进平台建设的相应政策建议.     

试论唐至清初潮州的海外贸易与海上走私

潮州与海外诸国的贸易往来很早就有,但在唐至清初这一时段里,潮州诸港从未成为官府承认的、合法的、正式的对外贸易港口。潮州通番走私贸易从内容上看,有非法地从事贸易与非法地从事违禁物品贸易之分;从形式上看又有下海通番与坐地通番之别。长期从事违禁贸易进一步助长了潮州人蔑视官府,视违禁为快速致富之路的不良风气,此种风气可以说是于今余绪犹存。     

A nexus between labour movement and labour movement: the Knights of Labor and the financial side of global labour history

The rise of global and transnational labour history has revolutionised the study of working-class movements and individuals and the global forces that shaped them. Some of the more mundane considerations of these movements, however, have so far been neglected in this rapidly growing field. One of the most important of these considerations was money, or in other words the financial affairs of transnational movements such as trade unions and political parties. This article is a call to write the financial side of global labour history. It focuses on a global working-class movement that is itself often neglected in the historical literature, the Knights of Labor, and their outposts in Britain and Ireland. It examines the history of the British and Irish Knights through the prism of their financial history, so far as we can reconstruct it from the scanty sources that are available. This article argues that their financial ties with the United States and a series of embezzlement cases became major causes of their decline and, ultimately, their dissolution. Finally, this article draws conclusions from the financial misadventures of the British and Irish Knights of Labor that are relevant to the study of other international working-class movements and to the writing of global labour history in general.     

“We feel that our strength is on the factory floor”: Dualism,shop-floor power,and labor law reform in late apartheid South Africa

ABSTRACT

This article explores the transformation of South African labor relations during the 1980s. In 1979, prompted by new shop-floor militancy, the Wiehahn Commission recommended that black workers, previously excluded from state labor machinery, be permitted to join recognized trade unions. Most discussions of this shift in apartheid labor relations focus on the ensuing debate within the black unions, torn between preserving their independence or securing state legitimation. This article looks instead at the related debate about ‘levels of bargaining’: should emergent black unions demand to negotiate at the factory level, where they had secured shop-floor strength through organizing and democratic practice, or pursue the benefits of the corporatist bargaining structures that had long excluded them and had privileged white workers? The eventual drift towards corporatism, I argue, imprinted the character of the South African labor movement into the post-apartheid era. An understandable desire to wield influence at the level of the national political economy eroded the tradition of workers’ control, shop floor democracy, and struggle unionism that black unions had forged during the 1970s and 1980s.