European–Mediterranean Security and the Arab Spring: Changes and Challenges

The policy of the European Union (EU) toward the Mediterranean has undergone two main metamorphoses during the last 25 years. In 1995, it started from a collective security idea with the Barcelona Process, but due to the poor success of this collective approach, it underwent a “realist turn” with the creation of the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2004. The Arab Spring in 2011, by questioning authoritarianism, influenced the perception of what is recognized as a security problem and who can define it. The authoritarian rulers and their supporting security forces are now challenged by their populations, and societal circumstances are so unstable that nearly every domestic problem can be politically given a spin to become a security risk. Aside from this, violent conflicts and civil wars demand an answer from the EU. In this situation, the EU's answer to the Arab Spring does not directly respond to the changing security situation in the Mediterranean. It emphasizes domestic democracy and civil society but does not take up the potential risk discourses. Concerning violent conflicts, the EU as a community is not at all active in the region but leaves this field to its member states, NATO, the Arab League, and the United Nations. Thus, the perceptions, ideas, and needs of Mediterranean security between the EU and the Southern partner states still differ harshly and seem to disregard the risk dimension of the Mediterranean security problems in this period of Arab transition.     

中国对六方会谈的战略思考及演变

20世纪90年代中期以后,中国开始积极利用多边安全合作维护自身的利益。为了解决朝核危机,中国促成了六方会谈,并在会谈中发挥了建设性作用。和平解决朝核问题、维护国家安全以及通过会谈改善中美关系是中国的重要战略思考。提高国际形象以及推动朝核六方会谈向机制化方向发展也是中国的长远考虑。因六方会谈的长期中断和国际形势的变化,中国的基本战略思考也发生了微妙的演变,即中国希望朝核六方会谈的机能向一般意义上的安全对话平台方向扩展。另外,通过推动重启六方会谈的实际行动,表露了半岛危机必须和平解决的立场,借以维护朝鲜体制安定,同时也表现了愿与美国协作、和平解决地区安全问题的态度,以避免新的冷战出现。     

Notes on contributors

In the Kosovo crisis, Germany for the first time since 1955 joined NATO military combat operations in a major way. While this has often been interpreted as a fundamental major departure ('normalisation') in Germany's post‐war foreign policy, this article argues that Germany's willingness to contemplate joining a NATO war even without a mandate by the UN Security Council represents an evolution, rather than a fundamental change in Germany's foreign policy orientation. This evolution can be explained best as a logical and consistent response of Germany's foreign policy identity which reconciled, through modification, its traditional post war foreign policy identity as a ‘civilian power’ to a radically different security environment.     

移民政治认同对国家关系的影响——以东南亚一些国家为例

本文拟用政治学理论,以冷战时期的新加坡、印尼和缅甸等国为例,从移民政治认同、移民政治认同的建构入手,探讨移民政治认同对国家关系的影响。笔者认为,移民的政治认同,如同移民的文化认同一样,如果处理得不好,不能顺着时代的发展而有所变迁,不仅会给移民的生存和发展带来困难,而且也会引起国家之间的紧张,以致国家关系的破裂。     

协同治理视野下的地方政府与非营利组织之间的良性合作关系

协同治理是一种新的政府治理理论,它强调政府、非营利组织和个体公民等多元社会组织和行为者相互协调合作,共同治理社会公共事务。基于协同治理的视角实现地方政府与非营利组织之间的良性合作,应充分发挥地方政府、非营利组织和个体公民的主体作用。     

日本身份认同的演变及其对中日关系的影响

身份认同概念这一建构主义理论的重要组成要素,长期潜在地影响着中日关系的发展进程。建构主义提出身份决定利益,利益决定行为。以中日关系为例,在以往历史的发展进程中,中日两国都经历了几次角色身份的转变,随之对应的是外交决策的转变,进而影响到两国外交关系的发展。21世纪国际局势复杂多变,建构主义有助于弥补传统国际关系理论的不足,更好地诠释国与国之间的关系,也有助于探索解决国家间矛盾的新途径。     

回族与信仰其他宗教之民族的关系

回族信仰伊斯兰教,回族对非伊斯兰教的宗教文化表示排斥,但在日常生活和社会交往活动中又能够与其他宗教如佛教、道教和平相处,对其他宗教信仰者表示理解和尊重。这种社会交往行为对于当代不同民族宗教之间的和解与交流具有一定的启示意义。     

抓住新机遇，寻求榕台经贸关系新发展

《国务院关于支持福建省加快建设海峡西岸经济区的若干意见》正式发布体现了党中央、国务院对海峡西岸经济区发展的极大关怀、高度重视和殷切期望,给进一步扩大榕台经贸合作交流带来了一个新机遇。当前的关键是要准确把握《意见》精神,紧紧扭住福州发展,提升福州定位,全面融入海峡西岸经济区建设,在更高的层面,找准与《意见》相衔接的对策建议,强化思路对接、政策对接、项目对接和机制对接。     

Reciprocal Effects between the Perceived Environment and Heterosexual Intercourse Among Adolescents

This study proposes a transactional model for the reciprocal relationship between increased likelihood of adolescent sexual intercourse and decreased connection with the perceived environment. Connection with the perceived environment is operationalized as higher problem-focused interactions with parents, lower religious attendance, and lower school belonging. Relationship with the perceived environment is further hypothesized to explain the increase in depressive symptoms associated with initiating sexual intercourse in adolescence. Data from Waves 1 and 2 of the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (one year apart; valid N=10,873) were analyzed using survey-adjusted multiple and logistic regression and path analysis. Hypothesized relationships were confirmed, with an additional finding that relationships with the perceived environment do not improve with the cessation of sexual intercourse. Implications of a possible explanation for this, that this finding indicates sexually active youth earn a stigmatized “non-virgin” label that they cannot easily remove, are discussed.Assistant Professor at the Adelphi University School of Social Work. He received his Ph.D. in 2005 from Cornell University in Human Development and completed a postdoctoral fellowship in the Behavioral Sciences Training in Drug Abuse Research program sponsored by Medical and Health Association of New York City, Inc. (MHRA) and the National Development and Research Institutes (NDRI) with funding from the National Institute on Drug Abuse (5T32 DA07233). His major research interests include psychological and social determinants of adolescent and young adult health and risk behaviors, religion as a context of youth development, positive development of sexuality and avoidance of sexual risk behaviors in youth, and young adults, and sexual minority youths’ issues with religion.     

“社会关系”:把握马克思理论整体性的关键范畴

既有的马克思理论整体性研究缺少历时性视角与共时性视角相统一的探讨,导致此种现状出现的原因在于贯通整合马克思各理论的中轴性概念的缺位。以社会关系概念为中心范畴对马克思各理论的形成、丰富及其相互关系进行考察,可以在纵向维度的历史发展和横向维度的理论互动中展示马克思哲学、政治经济学、科学社会主义思想的联结和统一。在马克思那里,从唯物主义的艰难转向到科学世界观的巍然创立、从政治经济学的系统研究到资本逻辑的全面解构、从社会主义的深层基础到科学社会主义的核心任务乃至此三者的耦合,社会关系都发挥着桥梁和纽带作用。立足社会关系概念把握马克思三大理论的生发过程及其内在关联,对揭示马克思主义整体性的初始构境、推动马克思主义整体性的研究具有重要的意义。