中国的睦邻外交与中缅关系

改革开放以来,我国对对外政策进行了调整,坚持“与邻为善,以邻为伴”的睦邻外交,积极发展同周边国家的关系。缅甸与我国山水相连,发展同缅甸的关系符合我国的对外政策,符合两国人民的共同利益。中缅关系得以顺利稳步发展,是两国人民共同努力的结果,也反映了中国睦邻外交政策的成功。     

简析20世纪巴基斯坦与伊朗的关系

巴基斯坦和伊朗分别是南亚和西亚地区有着重要影响的国家。从巴基斯坦独立至20世纪结束,巴伊两国保持一种较为紧密的战略合作关系。尽管两国关系发展并非一帆风顺,也存在不少有争议的问题,但是,大部分时段内,共同的战略利益使得巴基斯坦与伊朗都致力于弥合他们之间的分歧,并努力加固联系彼此之间关系的纽带。考察巴基斯坦与伊朗两国关系的历史发展可以看出,保持一种密切的战略合作关系符合这两国的国家利益。     

论李明博政府的实用主义外交

李明博政府上台后推行实用主义外交政策,主要包括以服务于"先进化国家"为宗旨,强化韩美同盟关系、开启对日关系"新思维"、调整对朝政策、奉行有限度的"平衡"外交、积极开展对华经贸关系、对俄能源外交以及全球外交等.实用主义外交是基于国际和国内、历史与现实、社会与个人等多种因素考虑的结果.实用主义外交面临着美韩同盟利益与韩国民族利益的冲突、韩日之间的结构性矛盾、对朝政策的有效性以及李明博政绩认可度等挑战,其效果还有待于进一步观察.     

美国国家安全战略视阈下的中美关系50年

自1972年中美关系“破冰”以来,美国国家安全战略视阈之内的中美关系经历了1972—1989年、1989—2017年以及2017年之后三个阶段。在这三个阶段中,制衡、塑造与争胜先后成为美国对华战略的逻辑核心。在第一阶段,美国对华的国家安全战略逻辑是“借重以制衡”,即借助中国来平衡苏联,中国在20世纪80年代一度被美国视为“友好的非盟国”。在持续时间最长的第二阶段,美国的国家安全战略逻辑是通过“接触以塑造”,希望塑造中国的政治经济模式以及对外行为方式。在20世纪90年代末期中国一度被美国视为潜在的战略伙伴。在2017年以来的第三阶段,美国试图通过“竞争以制胜”,防止中国的发展超越美国,美国国家安全战略视阈内的中国以及中美关系全面转向消极。50年来,中美关系经历过两次转向和重构,目前第二次转向和重构仍在进行中。过去50年,中美关系总是关系到美国全局性国家安全利益的重大问题;美国国家安全战略中的涉华部分超越党派之争,有着较强的一致性和连贯性,很多议题和提法都长期存在,或者早有伏笔。在美国国家安全战略中,涉华议题的内容越来越多,也越来越丰富;中美关系的合作面和竞争面都有明显增长,但竞争面的比重大幅上升。     

The Future of Northern Ireland: the Role of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement Institutions

Since the 2016 Brexit referendum a series of crises has gripped Northern Ireland's politics. This has had a destabilising effect across society, which has arguably been felt most acutely by political unionism. The Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (B/GFA) of 1998 created a series of institutions to deal with political conflict in Northern Ireland, manage cross-border cooperation and normalise relations between the UK and Ireland. However, many aspects of it have been sparingly and ineffectually deployed, most notably the second and third strands dealing with north/south and east/west relations respectively. In this article, the authors argue that regular use of the institutional arrangements created by the Agreement would help to deal with the challenges currently facing Northern Ireland and help address unionist anxieties over the Protocol. Use of the North-South Ministerial Council (NSMC), the British Irish Council (BIC) and the British-Irish Intergovernmental Conference (BIIGC) should be prioritised. The unresolved issues arising from Brexit require a recommitment to the intergovernmental logic at the heart of the 1998 Agreement, despite the obstacles.     

Towards a New Ireland

Despite all the contemporary difficulties that we face on the island of Ireland, twenty-four years on from the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, there is a clear sense of hope for a better future. We should be optimistic for our shared future, even if we do not agree on what form that should take. We cannot discuss Northern Ireland or its future without acknowledging that Brexit has significantly shifted the conversation. Not only has it brought Anglo-Irish relations to a low not seen in the past twenty-five years, but it has also damaged the reputation of the UK internationally and brought the topic of Irish unity back to the fore of our political discourse.     

Do Role-Playing Simulations Generate Measurable and Meaningful Outcomes? A Simulation's Effect on Exam Scores and Teaching Evaluations

Role-playing simulations are frequently claimed to be effective pedagogical tools in the teaching of international relations (IR); however, there is a surprising lack of empirical evidence on their classroom utility. The assessment of simulations remains mostly anecdotal, and some recent research has found little to no statistically significant improvements in quantitative measures of academic performance among students who participated in them [for example, International Studies Perspectives (2006), vol. 7, pp. 395; International Studies Perspectives (2008), vol. 9, pp. 75–89]. Scant research has been conducted on how role-playing simulations might affect students' perceptions of the instructor's teaching. This paper investigates whether a simulation had statistically significant effect on students' exam scores in an IR course or on student teaching evaluation scores.     

Pampered Sons, (Wo)manly Men,or Do‐nothing Machos? Costa Rican Men Coming of Age under Neoliberalism

This article explores how young men in Costa Rica negotiate ideas of manhood under neoliberalism. We draw on interview data involving 23 men, ages 15–35, residing in one Costa Rican city. Comparing men across three different class locations, we find diverse "markers of manhood." Our data suggest an emerging globally dominant masculine ideal among an elite class of men, a declining locally dominant masculine ideal among working-class men, and a cynical, possibly counter-cultural masculine ideal among poor men. We conclude that masculinities are not only fluid, but tied to changing economic circumstances and class structures.     

日本平台经济下的“类雇员”概念建构及其启示

平台经济在各国的发展状况不同,各国对其涉及的劳动关系认定等问题进行规制的法律制度也不同。日本平台经济下的劳动关系认定相关探讨建立在个别法与集体法对劳动者概念之界定、相关的判例和学理的基础上,主要思路是修订现行《家内劳动法》与导入德国"类雇员"概念。在充分考虑日本对于平台经济之定位与我国有所区别的前提下,其兼顾"如何划定适用对象"及"对其采用何种规制"的政策研究方式,以及构建"类雇员"概念的相关探讨,对我国相关政策研究及法律制定极具借鉴意义。     

20723例亲子鉴定中19个STR基因座的突变分析

目的观察并分析肯定亲权关系的案件,探索STR基因座的突变规律。方法采用Goldeneye 20A试剂盒对20723例肯定亲权关系的案件筛选等位基因突变事件,统计各基因座的突变率和突变等位基因的来源、片段大小、突变步数及重复单位的增加或减少情况,分析突变相关因素的特点。结果 19个STR基因座共发现548例突变,观察到557个突变事件,基因座的突变率为0.07‰~2.23‰。父系突变与母系突变的比例为3.06∶1。突变以一步突变为主,增加与减少重复单位的情况相当;二步以上(含二步)突变更易出现重复单位减少。突变主要发生于中等位基因,重复单位增减比例相当,长等位基因突变中重复单位减少显著多于增加。父系突变出现重复单位增加与减少的比例相当,母系突变重复单位减少较增加多见。结论各基因座的突变率差异具有统计学意义,当出现1~2个基因座不符合遗传规律时,应当加测其他检测系统,并结合突变基因座的信息计算PI值,以进一步明确鉴定意见。