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101.
The rise of global and transnational labour history has revolutionised the study of working-class movements and individuals and the global forces that shaped them. Some of the more mundane considerations of these movements, however, have so far been neglected in this rapidly growing field. One of the most important of these considerations was money, or in other words the financial affairs of transnational movements such as trade unions and political parties. This article is a call to write the financial side of global labour history. It focuses on a global working-class movement that is itself often neglected in the historical literature, the Knights of Labor, and their outposts in Britain and Ireland. It examines the history of the British and Irish Knights through the prism of their financial history, so far as we can reconstruct it from the scanty sources that are available. This article argues that their financial ties with the United States and a series of embezzlement cases became major causes of their decline and, ultimately, their dissolution. Finally, this article draws conclusions from the financial misadventures of the British and Irish Knights of Labor that are relevant to the study of other international working-class movements and to the writing of global labour history in general.  相似文献   
102.
工会与福利之间具有先天的、主动的联系,工会与福利联系的结果就是工会福利,就是工会的福利工作。我国工会福利工作的演变历程呈现为争取福利、包揽福利、发放福利、谋取福利四个阶段。工会传统福利工作具有历史的和现实的意义,但也存在着以偏盖全、以点代面、越俎代庖等诸多问题,产生了不同层面的危害。今后工会福利工作的重点在于"谋福利",工会要更好地为职工谋福利,需要在思想上实现从发福利到谋福利的观念转变,在实践上搞清楚谋什么福利、为谁谋福利、怎样谋福利等关键问题。  相似文献   
103.
转型期员工面临较大的压力,心理健康问题比较突出。工会在提供心理健康服务方面兼备效率和效果的双重优势,采用分段购买方式与专业机构建立"委托—代理—共建"关系,以"心理健康服务共享中心"(PHSSC)为核心,将会费作为服务经费的主要来源,由专业人员提供服务并收集相关数据进行分析和趋势预测,制定相应的管理与监督机制,通过专业服务保障并提升员工心理健康水平。  相似文献   
104.
探索"互联网+"语境下工会服务职工群众的路径有助于进一步明晰新业态、新关系下工会的工作机制和服务方式,增强组织凝聚力,实现工作创新突破,更好地开展服务。面对当前工会运用"互联网+"服务职工存在整体规划模糊、信息共享不足、数据价值发挥不够充分等问题,建立权威的、全国工会层面的工会移动互联网服务平台,可以实现信息互通、资源共享,促进社会合作,为职工提供更精准、更深层、更长远的服务。该平台应以移动互联网应用程序即App为主,侧重服务、互动、综合信息的分析与发布,其建设需要工会工作人员和技术人员共同深度参与、持续完善。  相似文献   
105.
Multilateral negotiations at the World Trade Organization have stalled. This has contributed to a steep rise in preferential trade agreements (PTAs). At the same time, negotiations for PTAs have not always proven quick and painless: While some treaties are sealed within a few months or days only, other agreements are preceded by protracted bargaining processes in trade and trade-related issue areas. In this article, we provide a theoretical explanation for this empirical variation. More specifically, we argue that PTA negotiations take longer the greater the distance between the prospective partners’ initial bargaining positions. Moreover, we contend that negotiation processes become more protracted the higher the relative ambition of the prospective PTA. Due to the limited links to the domestic political arena in autocracies, we expect this latter effect to play out for groups of democratic bargaining partners only. We test these two hypotheses for 198 preferential trade negotiations using novel measures for bargaining templates and the ambition of PTA clauses. In our two-stage survival models, we find support for our argument. In line with qualitative evidence from recent preferential trade initiatives, our models indicate that services, investment and intellectual property rights are particularly sticky agenda items for democratic leaders at the international bargaining table.  相似文献   
106.
Abstract

Politicians, diplomats and analysts commonly assume that commitment to multilateralism and liberal norms is part of the EU’s very DNA. Increasingly, however, the EU’s commitment to the liberal global order is more selective. We demonstrate the shift to a more contingent liberalism by examining the EU’s recent record in relation to four different challenges: international trade; US leadership; Russian actions in the eastern neighbourhood; and security in the Middle East. We speculate on what this may portend for the EU’s self-identity, European interests and the integrity of the prevailing global order.  相似文献   
107.
《Labor History》2012,53(4):448-464
The 1985–1987 dispute at Silentnight bed factories in the north of England was an exceptionally long and bitter strike, lasting for 20 months from June 1985 until February 1987. A total of 346 workers were sacked for taking part in the strike, which gained a high profile with remarkable levels of support and solidarity action, largely due to its emblematic status as an extreme example of punitive treatment of workers taking industrial action in the period immediately following the defeat of the miners in 1984/1985. Workers took lawful strike action in 1985 over the non-implementation of agreed pay rises and compulsory redundancies counter to an existing agreement between the firm and the union, with the company responding to the dispute with mass dismissals. Pickets were maintained at the two factories in question for nearly two years, with the strikers gaining wide-ranging support from across the labour movement, but the company stood firm against the dismissed strikers who were ultimately defeated. Based on archival research and interviews with participants in the strike, the article analyses in detail how the dispute was sustained for so long, the legal context and the weakness of legal protections for strikers in the period, and the widespread political mobilisation and networks of support and solidarity that arose around the strike and in opposition to the policies of the Conservative government of the day.  相似文献   
108.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):237-253
Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action.  相似文献   
109.
《Labor History》2012,53(6):666-684
ABSTRACT

Using original documents, this paper describes and analyses the case study of one of the productivity bargaining agreements from a leading exponent of productivity bargaining, Mobil’s Coryton Refinery. As well as being important in the UK oil industry these agreements spread throughout the economy. They resulted in major concessions by the unions to relax inter-craft and craft-production trade boundaries and to changes in work methods. These are illustrated in detail and placed in context. Such changes were heralded as ‘new look industrial relations’ and as such were based on a conception of joint regulation. However, other interpretations are possible, and these are then explored and discussed.  相似文献   
110.
《Labor History》2012,53(5):415-428
ABSTRACT

This article studies women’s participation in the struggle against the dictatorship in Spain (from 1960 to 1975). Drawing on life stories of women activists from el Marco de Jerez, it examines their repertoires of actions, their frames, and the lack of recognition from both academic and political spheres. A Gramscian approach and the perspective of hegemonic masculinity contribute to explain how women organized, how represented their collective action, and why their memories have been silenced. The theoretical approach has helped to identify relations of hegemony within feminist studies and political movement.  相似文献   
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