关于加强中国国家软实力建设的几点思考

10月18日中共十七届六中全会在北京落幕,会议审议通过了《中共中央关于深化文化体制改革、推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣若干重大问题的决定》,国家文化建设作为软实力塑造的重要组成部分,将人们的视线再次拉回到传统文化建设上来。自从20世纪90年代初美国著名学者约瑟夫·奈提出“软实力”概念以来,它就开始成为世界各国关注的焦点。纵观近现代世界一流强国崛起的历史,可以看出“软实力”建设在其崛起的过程中发挥了重要作用。中国在和平发展过程中如何提高自身的国际影响力,如何通过软实力来塑造中国良好的国际形象,掌控能力、战略信誉以及表现能力非常重要。     

规则、权力与行动:韦伯经典科层制模型的三大假设及其内在张力

从韦伯构建社会理论的内在逻辑规则-权力-行动的分析框架上来看,其所设计的以高效率运行为目标的经典科层制模型蕴含着三大基本假设:即完全理性假设、一元制权力支配假设和中立人行动假设。无论从科层制模型的内在逻辑上来分析,还是从哥伦比亚学派和法国组织社会学学派翔实的实证研究上来探讨,科层制理论所蕴含的基本假设内含着三大张力:(1)理性规则的刚性与行动的自主性之间的张力;(2)正式权力的僵化性与行动的策略性之间的张力;(3)单一行动与多元行动之间的张力。这三大张力在现实的科层组织运行中形成了三大削平机制,实现了科层组织的动态平衡与持续发展,从而一方面祛除了科层制理性神话之魅,一方面破灭了极端批判者科层制消亡论的谶言。中国作为官僚制的故乡,西方的理论分析和实证研究为我们认识、理解并发展中国式科层制模式提供了基础与参照。     

行政执法权全面下移的组织法回应

虽然行政执法权全面下移工作已然铺开,但我国现有法律规范体系并未为其提供充足的规范基础,既有的行政组织结构及其相应规则也没有为镇街有效承接执法权做好充分准备。行政执法权全面下移依然承受着合法性与有效性的双重考问。以《行政处罚法》为框架的分析思路,并不能为消弭质疑提供有力支撑。行政执法权全面下移带来了镇街行政法身份、规模与组织形式、与区县人民政府职能部门的关系等方面的变化。这些变化意味着行政执法权全面下移属于执法权配置的结构性变迁,因而只能在组织法框架下探寻其解决之道。具体而言,应当通过《地方各级人民代表大会和地方各级人民政府组织法》的修改赋予镇街执法主体资格,在此基础上以行政法规、地方性法规等形式安排镇街机构设置与人员编制,理顺镇街执法与县(市、区)职能部门的关系,并为镇街执法提供必要的财政保障。     

日本加快走向“情报强国”

冷战结束以来,日本政府在加紧走向＂政治强国＂、＂军事强国＂的同时,也在加紧走向＂情报强国＂。设立＂国家安全会议＂,强化国家安全战略的决策机制;整顿战后建立的情报体制,加强情报的搜集和分析能力;加紧建立太空情报体系,编织严密的卫星侦察网络;拓展对外情报合作,建立国际性情报网络。日本正从上述多个方面不断加强情报搜集的组织、体制和情报搜集功能的建设。     

The Revolution and its Discontents: Grenadian Newspapers and Attempts to Shape Public Opinion during Political Transition

Abstract

What role did the newspaper play in attempting to influence public opinion in the early stages of the Grenada Revolution and what are the terms in which printed discourses on the revolution were conceptualised? The Grenada Revolution was a discursive political process where branding and narration were necessary elements in securing the revolution’s authority and legitimacy. This paper argues that Cuba functioned as a metonym through which the revolution was translated in Grenadian periodicals. Even before the coup of 13 March 1979 Grenadian media represented the New Jewel Movement—the revolutionary party—as Cuban-inspired and socialist. In order to examine how socialism in general, and the socialist character of the People’s Revolutionary Government (PRG) in particular, was narrated, a comparison is staged between two newspapers—the government-run Free West Indian and the privately owned The Torchlight. Competing discourses on Cuban communism are analysed for the ways in which they stood-in for the Grenadian people’s hopes, aspirations and anxieties in the midst of radical political change. Issues including race, gender equality, property ownership, freedom of religious practice and freedom of travel are examined in relation to capitalism and socialism, and the PRG’s efforts to maintain narrative authority of the revolution.     

网络权力：国际战略层面的新思考

网络信息时代,权力的内涵发生了深刻变化,非政府行为体和个人变得更加活跃,并冲击到了政府的权威。权力流散使国际格局发生了新的变化,行为体多元化和“一超多强”的国际力量对比关系将平行存在。未来的发展趋势将是,网络空间成为国家间竞争的新领域,网络权力成为争夺的新焦点。中国作为有影响力的世界大国,也需要应对网络信息时代的机遇与挑战,构建符合自身未来发展的网络空间战略。     

The Pacific and the Global economy

Abstract

This paper asks: ‘is ASEAN powerful?’ The argument is made that there is a divide over this question between two broad groups of scholars who are referred to as ‘neo-realists’ (including realists) and ‘constructivists’. Focusing attention on this question is useful because it helps to bring into view three, not always explicit, points of argument between constructivists and neo-realists in their assessments of ASEAN. First, the two groups draw different empirically based conclusions about ASEAN's efficacy in East Asian affairs. Neo-realists are generally sceptical about the Association's role in the region because they view it, along with multilateral organizations more generally, as peripheral to great power politicking, what they see as the real stuff and substance of international affairs. A second, conceptual, point of argument is over understandings of power. For neo-realists, power is frequently used interchangeably with force and coercion. Scholars influenced by social constructivist ideas offer a challenge to this equation of power and dominance on the grounds that power is neither necessarily negative-sum nor limited to conflictual situations. Third, we suggest that closely related arguments are marshalled by both sides in debates over ASEAN's future role and organizational structure. Neo-realists argue that a shift to a more rules-based institutional form is in order, while constructivists place their emphasis on identity building.     

The Sacred,Social Creativity and the State

Abstract

This paper explores the specific contribution of a strand of contemporary French social theory founded by Cornelius Castoriadis and Claude Lefort to the under standing of human power. It formulates a conception of power that transcends its definitions in terms of physical coercion or institutionalised violence to reveal the way power is creative and institutes the social. Its reflection on the cultural nature of political power and it role in society is shown to extend the pioneering reflection of Durkheim's sociology, especially as regards the homology that exists between religion and politics. The social role performed by the state explored by Durkheim prefigures Gauchet's theory of the state, which builds on Lefort's work. Gauchet's theory can be said to elaborate a critical synthesis of the two stands of Durkheim's work: the sociology of religion and the sociology of the modern state. This synthesis raises questions on the role played by the European state in the development of individualism, in both its political and economic manifestations.     

The New Neighborhood Policy of the EU: An Appropriate Response to the Arab Spring?

This article analyzes the extent, substance, and underlying objectives of the European Union's (EU) new neighborhood policy in response to the Arab Spring. It questions whether the new policy approach constitutes a major policy shift or is just “old wine in new wineskins.” The article discusses the causes for much continuity and limited change in the new policy from a neo-institutionalist perspective. It concludes that both continuity and change primarily result from constraints inherent to the EU. In particular, the interaction between the Commission and the Council shapes a policy that corresponds with the normative aspirations and realist interests of the EU but hardly with the needs and expectations of the partner states.     

韩国文化外交：路径与启示

韩国文化外交是其软实力的重要来源和体现。韩国文化外交卓有成效,其路径主要有政府、企业和社会组织三个方面。韩国文化外交的启示在于：经济现代化是文化外交的物质保障;政治民主化是文化外交的制度保障;完善的社会建设是文化外交可持续发展的内生力;明确的文化产业政策是文化外交的直接推动力。