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231.
台湾在20世纪90年世界上第三波民主化潮流的影响,初步实现了由独裁政体向民主政体过渡。20世纪70年代美国、台湾和大陆学者主要从经济学、政治学和社会学的视角探讨台湾政治体制转型的原因。影响台湾政治体制转型的因素众多,其中媒体对台湾政体转型有着至关重要的作用。本文主要阐述50-80年代出现的政论性杂志在台湾实行"报禁"下如何与当时实行独裁统治的国民党相对抗,并对给以总体的评价。 相似文献
232.
暴力袭警事件频繁见诸于媒体,公安机关及其警察成为社会和媒体关注的焦点,人民警察在维护社会稳定,打击犯罪的同时自身权益受到严重影响,警察权威下降成为不争的现实,全面重建警察权威已经成为公安机关的当务之急。 相似文献
233.
近年来,学术界对国有企业权力监督体系的研究日益增多。从研究的内容上来看,大多数学者是从实践的角度对国有企业权力监督体系进行了探讨,而很少有从理论和实践相结合的角度来论述的。文章采取理论和实践相结合的方式,从权力监督和制约的历史渊源、国有企业权力监督的困境、解决国有企业权力监督困境的路径选择等方面对国有企业权力监督体系进行了初步的阐述。 相似文献
234.
从地缘政治视角考察,欧洲可划分为两大板块:"心脏地带"和"边缘地带",与之相对应的是欧洲还存在两大地缘政治势力,即陆权势力和海权势力。冷战时代欧洲地缘政治格局的主要特征是苏联代表的陆权势力和美国代表的海权势力在两大地缘政治板块上的对立与均势。而后冷战时代的今天,欧洲地缘政治失去了这种战略平衡:陆权势力收缩而海权势力扩张,心脏地带衰落而边缘地带崛起。同时不应忽视,全球化和新科技革命,也都赋予了欧洲传统地缘政治形态以新的特征。 相似文献
235.
Mohammad Mozahidul Islam 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(2):148-168
In order to understand the structural dimensions of the problems concerning democratic governance in Bangladesh, this article seeks to explicate whether or not Bangladesh is a neopatrimonial state. This article examines contemporary Bangladesh politics with a particular focus on the notion of neopatrimonialism and with special reference to the personalization of state power. The concept of neopatrimonialism has great utility in explaining leadership behaviour in a dysfunctional democracy such as Bangladesh, where personalized exchanges, exploitation of bureaucratic and state mechanisms and political scandals are common. I argue that Bangladesh is a special variant of the neopatrimonial state, which I suggest to be bipolar neopatrimonialism. I contend that since independence, successive governments and political leaders always attempt to monopolize state power in various ways. The patron-client society of Bangladesh helps political leaders to personalize the state power they possess. To monopolize state power, the political elites of Bangladesh create networks and alliances, relying on exchanges to meet their objectives. In this regard, state elites use elements of the state and political system to mediate these exchanges. 相似文献
236.
Iain Watson 《Asian Journal of Political Science》2013,21(3):304-325
Abstract The South Korean government has taken on many of Joseph Nye's ideas as it is promoting a state-led soft power in the form of the cultural hallyu, foreign aid, and domestically, a future-orientated rebranding of South Korea as a multicultural state. Soft power is understood in instrumental terms as well as in more substantive terms. This state-led multiculturalism has challenged widely held beliefs in ethnic homogeneity which have been the mainspring of national identity and national security in South Korea. These beliefs have underscored inter-Korean relations as the two states officially share beliefs despite political and ideological differences. The growing significance of such state-led multiculturalism in Global Korea to attract foreign workers can be linked to a myriad of intentional and unintentional strategic issues arising from this form of state-led soft power promotion. This is particularly significant given the sensitive culture and identity across the East Asian region. 相似文献
237.
Ragnhild Sollund 《Journal of Scandinavian Studies in Criminology & Crime Prevention》2013,14(2):181-201
The relationship between interviewer and interviewee in the qualitative research interview implies a power imbalance as the researcher possesses the authority to frame the interview and ask the questions. Many feminist researchers have thus emphasized the importance of establishing rapport with the informant. In this article the consequences of the researcher's sym/antipathies towards her informants are examined. Parts of two interviews are presented in order to show how the researcher's emotional reactions entail hers as well as the informants' verbal responses and consequently the generation of data. In the interviews the female researcher was particularly emotionally challenged as they were of a delicate nature in which gender interplayed: a woman doing interviews with male refugees convicted for homicide and rape against female victims. It is further discussed whether sympathy and rapport or antipathy and a confrontational interview style—the consequences of the researchers' emotional responses to the narratives of the offences and the attitude of the interviewees—produced the best data. The article concludes that good intentions about avoiding prejudice by not reading the men's files and verdicts in advance may have been a wrong decision as it left the researcher insufficiently emotionally prepared for the information revealed in the interviews and for the encounter with the informants. 相似文献
238.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(2):247-266
Science diplomacy represents a relatively novel field of EU external action. This contribution provides a better understanding of the under‐researched development of this policy domain, asking how and why the EU has extended the scope of its external activities in the scientific area. To answer these questions, it conducts an analysis of EU policy‐makers' discourses on external science policies inspired by role theory. It finds that EU role conceptions in this domain take the forms of ‘science for diplomacy’ or ‘diplomacy for science’, and that they correspond either to an image of normative or market power Europe. These findings are confirmed by a study of the EU's recent external science policies. The article argues that the ambiguity of rationales invoked for introducing a genuine science diplomacy in the EU helps to appeal to different constituencies. This, in turn, enhances the Union's chances for successfully expanding the scope of its activities. 相似文献
239.
《Journal of common market studies》2018,56(5):1161-1177
Scholars have characterized the EU as a normative power whose greatest asset is to be able to shape conceptions of what is ‘normal’ in international affairs. Scholars have argued that a normative power has to meet certain discursive standards; representing others in a non‐antagonistic, humble way. We question whether the EU can live up to this ideal when defending itself against Russian strategic communication. The empirical enquiry establishes that while the EU High Commissioner communicates in line with the stipulated standards, the newly established East Stratcom Taskforce and its publication ‘Disinformation Digest’ diverges from this ideal. The establishment of the Taskforce has led to the EU losing reflexivity and normative power. The article concludes that while Diez’ and Manners’ standards are utopian in the contemporary communicative climate, they remain useful as guiding rules that can help normative powers ‘watch their language’ and avoid doing unnecessary harm. 相似文献
240.
《Politics & Policy》2018,46(4):571-603
The European Social Survey and the values theories of Shalom Schwartz provide a robust conceptual framework to compare values espoused in 21 European countries. The case of France sheds light on contemporary challenges to European Union (EU) policy, considering a mounting populist base that struggles for preserving national identity problematized by a changing employment market, globalization, and immigration headlines. In light of the European Social Survey’s human values data for 21 European nations and other mainstream cross‐cultural surveys, France is a striking example of a mature democracy confronted with core identity challenges, asserting one worldview in its macro‐economic orientation but another in the street and public forum. France provides an interesting barometer within Europe, where antagonisms between the polity and the people exacerbate EU integration, challenging the priorities of political leadership in a struggle to modify historical arrangements that no longer prove feasible. 相似文献