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991.
H. H. Lai 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2006,11(1):55-77
In the post-Mao era China’s society and religion are both becoming increasingly pluralistic. State policies toward religion
are also evolving. Views of state-society relations as “totalitarian” exaggerate the state’s control; the civil-society approach
overestimates society’s autonomy. This paper explains the state’s religious policies in terms of a “post-totalitarian” frame
of reference. Religious organizations and the Communist Party share a reliance on ideology and organization to operate and
survive, making them potential rivals. As a shrewd monopolist of organizational and ideological instruments, the state seeks
to reduce the threat posed by religion, adopting differentiated strategies toward them as they revive. The state co-opts,
tolerates, deters, restricts, or suppresses different religions or sects, according to each specific religion’s organizational
strength, doctrine, and compliance with state authority. The state is thus able to prevent the rise of large, independent,
and organized religious groups while leaving considerable space for religious activity.
Dr. H. H. Lai is a faculty member the National University of Singapore who has researched on China’s state-society relations.
The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments and Mr. Kelly for his thorough and helpful copy
editing. 相似文献
992.
Thorvald Gran 《公共行政管理与发展》2007,27(4):293-305
Truthfulness, the norm of science, is etymologically related to trust. Both concepts are related to ‘tree’, as a symbol for grounded knowledge, for differentiation (the tree of knowledge), for uprightness and reliability (Searle, 1995). Truthfulness generates trust. Trust generates community. The land politics and trust project in South Africa (Askvik and Bak, 2005) investigated how trust relations intervened within and between government institutions engaged in redistribution and management of land. It enquired into trust relations between the land state and stakeholders in land. It assessed how the new ANC‐controlled state intervened into the relation between market‐oriented urban industry and subsistence‐oriented livelihoods on communal land. Could that intervention explain the slow pace of land redistribution? The field work was done in the Northern and the Western Cape provinces. A hypothesis is that unconditional personal trust across institutional boundaries is a condition for post‐colonial, post‐liberation community building. In 2001, aspects of political democracy were in place. Trust relations between government institutions and to stakeholders in land varied, but were limited. Trusted mediators between the institutions, across cultures, were few and far apart. Subsistence‐oriented livelihoods on communal land were there to be transformed to commercial farming. The three‐step Government strategy, growth in the urban economy, commercialisation of rural subsistence production and rural welfare from the urban surplus, augmented separation, disbelief and distrust. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
993.
994.
中共宁夏回族自治区委政策研究室 《宁夏党校学报》2008,10(5):5-8
宁夏历届党委、政府都十分重视民族工作,统筹民族工作与改革发展稳定大局,为进一步构建和睦相处、和衷共济、活力涌动的宁夏环境,积累了丰富的民族工作经验。 相似文献
995.
软权力理论是约瑟夫·奈从自由主义角度对权力这一国际政治中的核心概念所做的诠释,引起了各界的广泛关注。本文在提出软权力理论赖以产生的现实和理论背景的基础上,对奈的软权力理论的进行梳理,以澄清奈的软权力概念的确切内涵,并对该理论作出评价,为进一步发展和完善软权力理论提供思路。 相似文献
996.
杨光 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2007,15(4):62-64,54
本文探讨近代早期中国经济核心区——江南地区在世界经济中的双重作用,得出江南地区既促进世界经济体形成与发展但又阻碍了中国经济社会向资本主义方向发展的结论。 相似文献
997.
彭迈 《河南司法警官职业学院学报》2007,5(2):114-116
政府与企业的关系是市场经济体制的重要内容。不同的政企关系模式,会对政府和企业行为产生重大影响。从我国当前政企关系中“潜规则”的盛行,可以透视出我国政企关系的模式缺陷。要在经济运行中规范政府和企业行为,必须对现行的政企关系进行改革,建立市场主导型的政企关系。 相似文献
998.
在国家发展的关键时期,提出建立和谐社会这一构想具有十分重要的战略意义,符合社会与经济发展的要求。从公共关系角度来讲,政府公关是政府的重要职能,构建更加和谐的社会,营造大众舒畅的社会氛围是政府公关的重要目标。 相似文献
999.
吴鹏 《铁道警官高等专科学校学报》2005,15(3):52-55
公检法三机关互相关系原则是我国宪法层面的刑事诉讼基本原则,在刑事诉讼实践中的作用不可低估。但该原则也存在着一些不科学性和缺失,主要表现在互相配合与实现刑事司法公正价值机制相冲突,妨碍人民法院在刑事司法中的中立性和独立地位;互相制约没有明显的主次之分,过于强调“平分秋色”而忽略了“递进制约”关系,抑制了检察、审判职能的发挥。对此,有必要予以科学的分析,并给予规范和整合。 相似文献
1000.
Walter Block 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2003,16(2):139-147
This paper posits that the government is indistinguishable from a robber gang except for the fact that it enjoys exceedingly good public relations (supplied to it, symbiotically, by the intellectual classes) and thus legitimacy. The paper attempts to see beyond this superficiality, and thus to interpret cases in which the state and an ordinary criminal interact not in this manner, but rather as the interaction of two criminal organizations. 相似文献