The impact of community-based capital cash transfers on orphan schooling in Kenya

In this article we report on a community-based capital cash transfer initiative (CCCT) in Kenya that sought to mobilise and enable HIV-affected communities to respond to the needs of orphaned and vulnerable children. With bilateral funding, the Social Services Department in Kenya provided 80 communities across ten districts with advice and resources to set up social enterprises for the support of vulnerable children. A wide range of food and income generating activities were initiated by the communities, whose produce or profits contributed to the improved school attendance and performance of orphaned children, particularly amongst girls. We conclude that CCCT is a viable strategy for improving orphan schooling in sub-Saharan Africa.

L'importance des transferts de capitaux communautaires sur la scolarisation des orphelins au Kenya

Dans cet article nous présentons un compte rendu d'une initiative de transfert de capitaux communautaires (TCC) au Kenya qui a cherché à mobiliser et à permettre à des communautés touchées par le VIH de répondre aux besoins d'enfants orphelins et vulnérables. Grâce à un financement bilatéral, le département des services sociaux du Kenya a dispensé à 80 communautés réparties sur dix districts les conseils et moyens requis pour mettre sur pied des entreprises sociales visant à soutenir les enfants vulnérables. Une variété d'activités génératrices de nourriture et de revenus ont été initiées par les communautés, dont les produits agricoles ou les bénéfices ont contribué à l'amélioration de l'assiduité scolaire des orphelins, ainsi que leurs résultats, en particulier parmi les filles. Nous concluons que les CCCT constituent une stratégie viable pour l'amélioration de la scolarisation des orphelins en Afrique subsaharienne.

El impacto de las transferencias de efectivo a nivel comunitario en la escolaridad de huérfanos en Kenia

En el presente artículo, los autores dan a conocer la iniciativa de transferencia de efectivo a nivel comunitario (ccci) en Kenia, la cual procuró movilizar y facilitar la respuesta de comunidades afectadas por el vih a las necesidades de niños huérfanos y vulnerables. A través del financiamiento bilateral, el Departamento de Servicios Sociales de Kenia proporcionó consejos y recursos a 80 comunidades de diez distritos, con el fin de establecer empresas sociales destinadas al apoyo de niños vulnerables. Las comunidades iniciaron una amplia gama de actividades para generar alimentos e ingresos, cuyos productos y ganancias contribuyeron a mejorar la asistencia escolar y el rendimiento de los niños huérfanos, especialmente de las niñas. Los autores concluyen que ccci es una estrategia viable para mejorar la escolaridad de los huérfanos del África Subsahariana.

O impacto das transferências de recursos de capital comunitários sobre estudantes órfãos no Quênia

Neste artigo fazemos um relato sobre uma iniciativa de Transferência de Recursos de Capital Comunitários (CCCT) no Quênia que buscou mobilizar e capacitar comunidades afetadas pelo vírus HIV para que possam atuar frente às necessidades de crianças órfãs e vulneráveis. Com financiamento bilateral, o Departamento de Serviço Social do Quênia ofereceu a 80 comunidades de dez distritos orientação e recursos para a criação de empresas sociais de apoio a crianças vulneráveis. Uma ampla série de atividades geradoras de alimentos e renda foi iniciada pelas comunidades, cujos produtos ou lucros contribuíram para uma maior frequência escolar e melhor desempenho de crianças órfãs, particularmente entre as meninas. Concluímos que a CCCT é uma estratégia viável para melhorar o aprendizado escolar de órfãos da África Subsaariana.     

Autonomy and policy independence in Africa: a review of NGO development challenges

Drawing on empirical data gathered from discussions with executive directors of NGOs in Ghana, this paper critically analyses the complex multi-tier relationships between NGOs and their donor partners and how these affect outcomes of their development projects in Ghana. The paper discusses how experiences with funding agencies inform crucial shifts in NGO programming for poverty alleviation. This paper argues that, given their (NGOs') peculiar positioning in development practice, a critical appraisal of power dynamics central to NGO operations (such as funding and ownership of development projects) is crucial to proposing new strategies of engagement with NGO activity in Africa.

Autonomie et indépendance sur le plan des politiques en Afrique : un bilan des défis de développement pour les ONG

Sur la base de données empiriques recueillies à partir de discussions avec des directeurs exécutifs d'ONG au Ghana, cet article analyse dans une optique critique les rapports complexes multi-niveaux entre les ONG et leurs partenaires bailleurs de fonds, et l'incidence qu'ils ont sur les résultats de leurs projets de développement au Ghana. Il traite de la manière dont les expériences avec des organismes donateurs façonnent des changements cruciaux dans la programmation des ONG en faveur de l'atténuation de la pauvreté. L'auteur soutient que, étant donné le positionnement particulier des ONG dans la pratique du développement, une évaluation critique de la dynamique de pouvoir centrale aux opérations des ONG (comme le financement et la propriété des projets de développement) est cruciale au moment de proposer de nouvelles stratégies en vue de la participation aux activités des ONG en Afrique.

Autonomía e independencia política en África: una revisión de los retos enfrentados por las ong en el desarrollo

Apoyándose en datos empíricos recabados a partir de diálogos sostenidos con los directores ejecutivos de ong en Ghana, el presente artículo analiza críticamente las relaciones complejas y de múltiples niveles que se establecen entre las ong y sus socios donantes. Del mismo modo, examina la manera en que dichas relaciones afectan los resultados obtenidos por sus proyectos de desarrollo en este país. Asimismo, el artículo revisa cómo las experiencias de las ong con las agencias de financiamiento, influyen en los cambios sustantivos detectados en los programas que han implementado para el alivio de la pobreza. El artículo sostiene que, dado el particular posicionamiento de las ong en la práctica del desarrollo, para proponer nuevas estrategias de involucramiento en las actividades que realizan en África, resulta crucial realizar una valoración crítica de las dinámicas del poder que se establecen en dichas actividades (por ejemplo, el financiamiento y el sentido de pertenencia de los proyectos de desarrollo).

Autonomia e independência de política na África: uma revisão dos desafios de desenvolvimento de ONGs

Baseando-se em dados empíricos coletados a partir de discussões com diretores executivos de ONGs de Gana, este artigo analisa de maneira crítica as relações complexas de vários níveis entre ONGs e seus parceiros doadores e como elas afetam os resultados de seus projetos de desenvolvimento em Gana. O artigo discute como as experiências com agências financiadoras influenciam mudanças cruciais em programas de ONGs para redução da pobreza. Este artigo argumenta que, tendo em vista o posicionamento peculiar (das ONGs) na prática de desenvolvimento, uma avaliação crítica da dinâmicas de poder central para operações de ONGs (tais como financiamento e posse de projetos de desenvolvimento) é crucial para se propor novas estratégias de engajamento com a atividade das ONGs na África.     

“Nobody helps us”: insights from ultra-poor Bangladeshi women on being beyond reach

This paper documents the exclusion from formal assistance of 43 Bangladeshi ultra-poor female heads of household, which forces women to rely on overstretched forms of informal assistance that are not culturally prescribed and are often experienced as shameful. Experiences of helplessness reinforced by dominant views of the ultra-poor as going nowhere discourage women from seeking out formal assistance. In order to overcome the effects of being deemed “beyond reach”, scholars and providers of aid must attend to persistent forms of neglect and exclusion in formal aid programmes, including the false assumption that the ultra-poor easily access prescribed informal social supports.

« Personne ne nous vient en aide » : points de vue de femmes bangladaises ultra-pauvres sur le fait qu'elles sont « hors de portée »

Cet article documente l'exclusion de toute assistance formelle de 43 Bangladaises chefs de famille ultra-pauvres, exclusion qui contraint ces femmes à dépendre de formes d'assistance informelle déjà insuffisantes qui ne sont pas culturellement prescrites et sont souvent vécues comme honteuses. Les expériences d'impuissance, renforcées par le fait que les ultra-pauvres sont le plus souvent perçus comme condamnés à leur condition, dissuadent les femmes de demander une assistance formelle. Afin de surmonter les effets qu'a sur elles le fait d'être considérées comme « hors de portée », les théoriciens et les fournisseurs d'aide doivent remédier à des formes persistantes d'abandon et d'exclusion dans les programmes formels d'aide, y compris la fausse hypothèse selon laquelle les ultra-pauvres peuvent facilement accéder à des réseaux de soutien social informels.

“Nadie nos ayuda”: hallazgos obtenidos entre mujeres en situación de extrema pobreza de Bangladesh respecto a su percepción de estar fuera del alcance de toda ayuda

Este artículo documenta las condiciones en que se encuentran 43 mujeres cabezas de familia de Bangladesh en situación de extrema pobreza, quienes han sido excluidas del sistema de asistencia formal. Tal exclusión obliga a las mujeres a depender de la escasa asistencia informal, no sancionada culturalmente. Por ello, a menudo experimentan vergüenza a la hora de recibirla. Al buscar ayuda formal las mujeres enfrentan las dificultades generadas por la sensación de impotencia que las invade, la cual se ve reforzada por la opinión existente a nivel general de que las personas que padecen extrema pobreza nunca podrán salir de esta situación. Para superar los efectos producidos por la percepción de estar “fuera del alcance de toda ayuda”, los académicos y los proveedores de asistencia deberán enfrentar las persistentes formas de abandono y de exclusión derivadas de los programas de ayuda formales, incluyendo la suposición falsa de que las personas en situación de extrema pobreza pueden obtener ayuda social informal con facilidad.

“Ninguém nos ajuda”: ideias de mulheres bengalesas que vivem em pobreza extrema sobre estarem fora de alcance

Este artigo documenta a exclusão, da assistência formal, de 43 mulheres bengalesas chefes de família que vivem em pobreza extrema, o que as força a dependerem de formas sobrecarregadas de assistência informal que não são culturalmente indicadas e que são frequentemente vivenciadas como humilhantes. Experiências de desamparo reforçadas por visões dominantes sobre as pessoas que vivem em pobreza extrema não conseguirem ir a lugar algum desincentivam as mulheres a buscar assistência formal. Para superar os efeitos de se ser considerado “fora de alcance”, acadêmicos e provedores de ajuda humanitária devem abordar as formas persistentes de negligência e exclusão de programas de ajuda formal, incluindo o falso pressuposto de que os que vivem em extrema pobreza têm acesso facilmente a apoio social informal adequado.     

The 2008 Russian–Georgian war via the lens of Offensive Realism

Abstract

The Russian intervention in Georgia's breakaway republic of South Ossetia in August 2008, Moscow's first-ever use of military force against a sovereign state in the post-cold war period, deserves a theoretical explanation. By following the tenets of Offensive Realism, this article will argue that the US–Russian competition in the South Caucasus is the main cause of the 2008 Russian–Georgian war. During the 1990s, the USA passed the buck to Turkey to contain Russian influence in the South Caucasus. In the early to mid-2000s, however, the Russian–Turkish relations were improved so rapidly that the USA opted, through NATO expansion, to step in as an offshore balancer. Following Bush administration's decision to support the Georgian candidacy for NATO membership and Georgia's ill-fated attempt to seize South Ossetia, Moscow went to war to re-establish hegemony in the South Caucasus. In this way, as the theory of Offensive Realism claims, the Kremlin believes that Russian state will enhance its chances of survival in the anarchical international system.     

近年来澳大利亚官方对南海争端的基本立场

澳大利亚毗邻东南亚,又是美国在亚太最重要和最可靠的军事盟友。澳大利亚对南海的态度与立场,很大程度上影响对东盟和美国的立场。本文通过对近年来澳大利亚官方和主流媒体报道的官方对南海争端的态度和发言进行总结和分析,探讨澳大利亚官方对南海争端的基本立场。     

从马来西亚官方媒体的报道解读该国政府的南海政策——以马新社及《使者报》1999年至2013年的相关报道为分析依据

从上个世纪末至今,作为东盟成员国中对南沙群岛部分岛礁及水域提出主权要求的国家之一,马来西亚虽前后历经3任总理,但该国政府在南海问题上所秉持的政策始终坚持以“务实”为基点,以获取经济利益为核心。《使者报》是该国政府的喉舌报,本论文通过对该报近10余年来与南海问题相关的大量新闻报道或综合评论的跟踪分析,尝试对马来西亚的南海政策进行解读,并探寻有助于我国应对南海困局的“马来西亚因素”。     

Democratization as liberation: competing African perspectives on democracy

Do Africans tend to view democracy in more procedural or more substantive terms? This article argues that African endorsements of liberal and procedural understandings are not as pervasive as much of the literature on democratization suggests. Drawing upon Afrobarometer survey results as well as extensive fieldwork and interviews conducted over the past decade in South Africa, it demonstrates both the historical development and significance of these definitional understandings. By employing a substantive approach and thereby bringing questions of poverty and material inequality to the centre of the analysis, this article seeks to offer a perspective on democratization that helps to explain many of the challenges to the institutionalization of democratic regimes that procedural understandings fail to capture.     

Democratization and the Disfranchisement of African Americans in the US South during the Late 19th Century

The disfranchisement of African Americans in the South during the late 19th century highlights the role that mass actors, in this case African Americans, can play as part of the enforcement mechanism to prevent elites from backtracking on democracy. This episode in US history further suggests that for democratic progress to be consolidated, vulnerable groups require sufficient economic and social power to defend their formal rights. Newly emancipated African Americans gained the franchise in 1870. They voted in large numbers for two decades. But at the turn of the century each Southern state introduced disfranchising measures. The article discusses the efforts of Southern political elites to restore the antebellum social and political order, and the reasons the national state failed to intervene to protect the rights of former slaves. Above all, the article explores the nature of African American resistance and its effect on the timing and course of disfranchisement. It also draws attention to the importance of African American resistance by comparing Southern disfranchisement with the little-known cases of attempted disfranchisement of African Americans in the antebellum North and early 20th century Maryland. The article concludes that the relative strength of African Americans in contemporary America makes another rollback of democratic rights unlikely.     

Does Democratization Reduce the Risk of Military Interventions in Politics in Africa?

This article investigates whether there is an association between a trajectory of political liberalization, democratization, and military interventions. In what is arguably the ‘least likely case’ region in the world, this study analyzes the experience of 55 regimes in Africa between 1990 and 2004 and finds a striking regularity. Liberalizing, and in particular democratic, regimes have a significantly different track record of being subjected either to successful or failed military interventions. The analysis suggests that democratic regimes are about 7.5 times less likely to be subjected to attempted military interventions than electoral authoritarian regimes and almost 18 times less likely to be victims of actual regime breakdown as a result. Through an additional case study analysis of the ‘anomalous’ cases of interventions in democratic polities, the results are largely strengthened as most of the stories behind the numbers suggests that it is only when democratic regimes perform dismally and/or do not pay soldiers their salaries that they are at great risk of being overthrown. Legitimacy accrued by political liberalization seems to ‘inoculate’ states against military intervention in the political realm.