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421.
In this paper, we will investigate the popularity of marriage migration between Turkish communities in Western Europe and emigration regions in Turkey. Our focus here is specifically on the Belgian case, namely the ‘Emirdag connection’. In Belgium, the majority of immigrants with a Turkish background come from the region of Emirdag, in the province of Afyon. On the basis of quantitative research methodologies, we first consider the magnitude of the phenomenon and the socio-economic situation of those involved. Using the qualitative research techniques of participant observation and in-depth interviews, we analyze the mechanisms in an attempt to explain marriage migration between these regions. Why do so many young people, born and raised in Western Europe, opt for an unknown partner from a region that is largely unknown to them but which proves to be their parents', or even grandparents', region of origin? Why does migration remain such a valuable life project for many young people in these regions of origin, despite the real danger of many negative side effects? The popularity of marriage migration is often explained by its role in making migration possible. However, migration theories alone cannot explain this phenomenon. Here we will argue that the existence of a ‘culture of migration’ that binds the region of origin with the region of destination and in which ‘the family’ as an institution is capable of building a bridge between traditional praxis, as well as the challenges linked to international migration, are crucial for understanding the enduring popularity of marriage migration. 相似文献
422.
Georgios Papanicolaou 《Trends in Organized Crime》2008,11(4):379-409
Using the concept of global prohibition regimes as an analytical point of departure, this article interrogates the development
and results of the agitation campaign that relayed the new global prohibition regime against trafficking for sexual exploitation
in Greece after 1995. In line with the international trend towards the issue of trafficking in the 1990s, the Greek campaign
has been successful in shaping perceptions of the change in the Greek sex industry on the basis of an equation of prostitution,
trafficking and transnational organized crime, and it also successfully capitalized on transnational supports to induce changes
in legislation and public policy. However, a critical examination of the Greek situation suggests that there is a considerable
discrepancy between the above conceptualisation and the knowledge of the issue emerging from the activities of criminal justice
agencies. The examination of the general conditions of economic exploitation and social marginalization of migrants in Greece
in the 1990s and after reveals significant homologies between the social organization of the sex industry and other sectors
of the economy that have depended on migrant labour. This result underscores the nature of the idea of organized crime as
an ideological construct acting as a diversion from more substantive paths of inquiry into the structures of national economy
that bear upon the exploitation of sexual labour.
相似文献
Georgios PapanicolaouEmail: |
423.
Elisabeth Badenhoop 《Regulation & Governance》2021,15(3):952-968
Surveillance studies have long argued that electronic databases are designed to maximize state surveillance as a “superpanopticon” or “surveillant assemblage.” But how are databases being implemented in practice, and do they actually enhance control? This article addresses these questions by examining the case of the German Central Foreigners Register (Ausländerzentralregister [AZR]). Established in 1953, the AZR was one of the first databases on migrants in the western liberal world, and remains a pillar of Germany's migration control system today. By analyzing internal ministerial records from the 1950s to the 1970s – the time when this database was introduced, expanded, and automatized while still relatively free from legal or public constraints – this article examines whether, or how, databases enhance state control. I argue that the AZR did not provide the “perfect surveillance” it was intended to deliver; rather, it produced major bureaucratic and political challenges and a series of malfunctions. This case study confirms that database surveillance, such as the German AZR in the 1970s and European databases today, depends on three basic conditions: shared expectations regarding data usages, cooperation in data supply, and capacities of data storage and maintenance. Moreover, databases serve the additional symbolic function of reassuring the self-imagination of sovereign, modern state power. 相似文献
424.
This paper seeks to deepen our understanding of financial industry lobbying efforts that result in specific regulatory rules being dropped from the regulatory agenda, or what we call ‘rule omission’. Critically, existing research either ignores rule omission or characterizes it as the pinnacle of lobbying success. We argue that only in carefully mapping out industry preferences and tracking what happens to rules following their omission can we say something about the extent to which finance wins or loses in its effort to shape regulation. Our analysis is based on two in-depth case studies from the European Union: (1) solvency rules in the Institutions for Occupational Retirement Provision Directive (IORPP II), where rule omission does reflect a strong case of industry influence; and (2) short selling rules in the Alternative Investment Fund Managers Directive (AIFMD), a case of rule omission resulting in more stringent rules over industry activities. 相似文献
425.
‘Globalization’ implies, among other things, the radical crisis of the metaphysical and theologico-political conceptions of
sense. The crisis of the device built upon the concepts of the abstract individual, the nation and the State is at the same
time the crisis of the subject as a master and an owner of sense (each time, the sense). But, if human beings are subtracted by the national, historical and metaphysical identities, by the system of the meanings-image, they
are exposed to the possibility itself of sense as what precedes and exceeds every constituted identity or reality. This article
aims at exploring in Jean-Luc Nancy’s thought the strict relationship between the ‘non-appropriable’ nature of sense and the
being-in-common of human beings considered not as abstract individuals, but as multiple-singularities. A community that is the opening itself of sense, is not sacrificed to an originary or future Unity, but it is offered to the event of the present; to the existences
as events and to an ‘immediate mediation’ as surprise. The experience of this offer as surprise is what Nancy calls ‘freedom’.
Graduate student at the University of Venice, Italy; conducting a study of ‘the centres of temporary detention’ for migrants
in Italy. The translations of all extracts are mine unless otherwise provided. These pages are dedicated to the migrants of
the Association Solidariedade Imigrante of Lisbon, Portugal (to each one and to all of them, their friendship is for me such a great gift). I would like to thank
Vania Trento Miotto and Thanos Zartaloudis with all my heart for the precious help in the revision of this article. Obviously,
the responsibility for these pages rests entirely with me. 相似文献
426.
Godfried Engbersen Joanne van der Leun 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2001,9(1):51-70
In this article illegal immigrants, a relatively new group of immigrants living at the margins of society, are discussed. The question of the significance of crime for groups that are officially excluded from the formal labour market and public provisions, is presented within the framework of the Unknown City research project, conducted in the four largest Dutch cities (interviews with illegal immigrants; an ethnographic study to determine the extent of support by various ethnic communities; and an examination of the ways in which the restrictive policies towards illegal immigrants were implemented by the police, the Aliens Departments, and by professionals within public or semi-public institutions in the fields of education, healthcare and housing). Both the relatively limited involvement in crime in general and the differences between groups can be explained by the embeddedness of illegal immigrants in the labour sphere and the support by ethnic communities. Attention is paid to the social and legal construction of the illegal immigrant through new legislation and to the observation that illegality is increasingly linked to crime. The majority of illegal immigrants are not criminally active. One exception is the category that is active in the lower levels of the hard drug trade. The authors' analysis suggests that the perception of the criminal illegal immigrant first and foremost reflects the division between wanted and unwanted immigrants, which is the result of the shift towards a restrictive policy. 相似文献
427.
文章以四川省成都市农村女性劳动力迁移流动情况的抽样调查为基础,通过数据统计描述,归纳四川省农村女性劳动力迁移流动呈现的基本特征及其目前的弱势处境,提出应改革户籍管理制度,强化政府保护农村女性劳动力的职能,加强农村女性的教育和职业技能培训,全面提升农村女性劳动力素质,完善农村社会保障体系,从而促进四川省农村女性劳动力良性迁移流动。 相似文献
428.
Cristina Escobar 《Democratization》2015,22(5):927-950
In order to explain non-citizen enfranchisement in Latin America, this article takes into account three dimensions: domestic (citizenship tradition, immigration levels, internal politics), global (international and bilateral agreements, human rights discourse) and regional (common markets, diffusion, geopolitics). The article identifies two main modalities: from the early twentieth century to the 1980s, when democracy was not a necessary condition and when national factors prevailed. Starting in the 1990s, democratization in Latin America has brought a new wave of non-citizen enfranchisement, this time with more influence of global and regional factors and, in various cases, in connection with external voting rights. 相似文献
429.
This article analyses the origins and development of the European Border Surveillance System (EUROSUR) in order to better understand its functioning in view of its stated objectives. Particular attention will be devoted to the European Commission’s recurring claim that one of EUROSUR’s main goals is to save lives at sea. This contribution questions that assertion. It rather considers EUROSUR as representative of the steady, technocratic development of a European system for border management. The reliance on the exchange of information, the reinforcement of FRONTEX, the European Union’s agency for the coordination of operational cooperation between national border guards and the emphasis on cooperation with third countries support this claim. 相似文献
430.
This article analyses problem framings in public debates on family migration in Finland. The study focuses on the less-examined category of age and how it intersects with gender, race and religion. We examine the discursive context within which parliamentarians and the media negotiate questions of migration policies, belonging and citizenship. Our analysis identifies problem framings by combining frame analysis with the ‘What is the problem represented to be?’ approach, which understands policies as problematizations. We found that the debates held up the rather common notion of vulnerable women and children as groups that tighter family migration policies protect. The debates excluded certain racialized migrant families from cultural citizenship. Simultaneously, however, the public debate ‘whitewashed’ other families to make them suitable for inclusion. Here, the right to care for elderly family members played a central part in negotiations over cultural citizenship. 相似文献