我国土地调控失灵的制度经济分析

中国城市化发展的直接后果就是大量农用地转化为非农用地,耕地资源日益减少.对此,中央政府加强了土地调控力度,严格保护土地资源.但地方政府有与中央不同的目标,而现有的土地产权制度为地方政府规避中央的调控政策提供了可能性.在梳理现代产权理论的基础上,深入剖析了土地产权的三重分割问题,即土地国有和"全民所有"的分割,所有者与管理者的分割,以及中央政府与地方政府的分割.地方政府实际上获得了管理和经营土地资源的直接权力,而又无需承担相应的长期后果.这一方面激励地方政府超常经营土地的行为,形成所谓"土地财政"现象;另一方面造成土地保护陷入集体行动困境.由于土地管制和市场调节双重失灵,尽管中央政府不断收紧土地闸门和信贷闸门,对土地开发市场的调控效果仍不明显,土地资源的低效率运用未见实质性改观,耕地保护压力仍然很大.     

治理贿赂犯罪国际公约立法发展及其启示

从上世纪70年代开始,经过三个阶段的发展,国际社会形成了以保障市场经济公平竞争秩序理念为指导、以打击行贿行为为主要策略、以加强商业组织治理为发展方向的国际公约立法体系,充分反映出市场经济下贿赂犯罪立法治理的基本规律。相比之下,中国贿赂犯罪立法治理存在理念较为滞后、治理策略相对简单、治理对象较为单一的问题,在未来中国贿赂犯罪治理改革中,有必要汲取国际社会贿赂犯罪治理之经验,及时调整相关立法理念和策略,以适应国内市场经济发展及世界市场竞争之需求。     

东北亚国家安全体系:从双边困境到多边合作的安全路径分析

作为经典国际安全理论的安全困境理论无法充分说明后冷战时代东北亚区域国家安全状态。无论从体系引导型安全困境亦或国家引导型安全困境,都难以找到东北亚各国安全战略差异产生的根本原因。东北亚各国间的安全互动已经形成了一个超越安全困境并以美国为核心的地区国家安全体系。通过对东北亚国家安全体系结构和流动性安全要素的考察可以发现,各国安全战略的不同与其在国家安全体系结构中的位置和对流动性安全要素的控制能力密切相关。这有助于进一步探寻东北亚国家间安全关系从双边困境到多边合作的路径。     

‘Knowing’ Pakistan: knowledge production and area studies

Abstract

This article explores the processes that contribute towards the image of Pakistan as portrayed to the West. It does this by critically analysing the discursive practices through which knowledge, and a general idea of Pakistan, are created, for example in South Asian area studies journals and South Asian studies centres in Western universities. This article demonstrates that most scholarly research on Pakistan, as published in South Asian studies journals, is in fact heavily influenced by the research of American and European scholars. It argues that as the positionality of these Western scholars is further based on ‘academic quality’, this causes a continuous circle of knowledge production. In this circle, the Western academic produces ‘quality’ work in top area studies journals. Their work then receives wider circulation due to the scholar’s positionality and status within elite, Western centres of knowledge production, whereas research in South Asian studies centres is predominantly India-centric. While true to their proposed research ambit, research conducted on India in South Asian studies centres is multidisciplinary in nature. In Pakistan’s case, most of the research, however marginal, remains centred on the country’s security and its international affairs.     

Critical barriers to joint production: datu politics and insurgent fragmentation in Southern Philippines

Abstract

In understanding how groups overcome collective action problems of mass mobilisation in civil wars, a joint-production explanation was put forth in the civil war literature. According to this explanation, collective action can be successful when leaders at the centre tie the public good – violence towards the overall goal of the movement – inextricably to private interests of actors at the peripheral levels of the conflict. It is through this logic of joint production that we can understand the failures of the Islamic insurgencies in Southern Philippines and the spiralling levels of violence. Where other movements cohered under a common identity, the Islamist insurgency in Southern Philippines saw high degrees of fragmentation. In this paper, I argue that cleavages of regionalism created by colonial disruptions of land and social relations became a critical barrier for insurgent joint production. Furthermore, interactions between these identities and the state can pose further collective action problems. In Southern Philippines, insurgent leaders are unable to cut across these cleavages, resulting in increasingly fragmented movements and protracted conflict. Therefore, I argue that a joint-production approach to understanding civil wars can be especially promising when culturally and historically situated to explain why collective action often fails in civil war.     

比较政治学在东南亚权威主义研究中的新进展:议题、方法与趋势

自21世纪以来,比较政治学研究发生了从"民主转型"到权威主义政治的转向,东南亚的权威主义国家也得到了比此前更多的关注。现有研究已经建立起系统的理论分析框架,形成了从权威主义起源到运作过程,再到持续结果的主要研究议题,出现了以斯雷特、比宾斯基和布朗利为代表的学者群体,他们分别提出了抗争政治与权威主义利维坦形成、执政党组织与权威主义持续性以及精英联盟关系与经济危机结果等理论。这些研究采用了诸如控制式比较、过程追踪和正负面案例的比较分析方法,并引入了时间和空间等维度去发展和检验理论。在未来的研究中,澄清起源和运作过程对权威主义持续结果的作用以形成统一的理论框架,在权威主义韧性外引入经济发展、社会稳定和公共福利等国家治理维度的议题,拓宽研究视野,将区域政治与国别政治相结合,是东南亚权威主义三个值得进一步探讨的研究方向。     

集体行动中赏罚效果的差异性研究：来自公共品实验的证据

借助公共品博弈实验来比较奖励和惩罚这两种“选择性激励”的引入对提升公共品自愿捐献的效果。结果显示,被试对奖励的使用更频繁,但是引入惩罚的合作效果更佳,而且这种效果差异还会因为激励引入顺序的差异而加强。通过定量比较这两种激励发挥作用的路径以及行动者使用赏罚的方式,识别出了这种差异存在的行为根源。行动者对奖励的偏好主要源于他们就奖励本身形成的一种互惠,与合作无关;而惩罚效果更强则是因为行动者在使用赏罚时展现出另一层偏好,即相比奖励合作者,行动者更倾向于惩罚不合作者。借助于这种与合作之间更紧密的关系,惩罚获得了相对于奖励而言更强的激励效果,从而可以更有效地提升合作水平。这些结果表明集体行动中赏罚机制的设计需要考虑以下内容:行动者使用赏罚的方式及其行为对象的反应、如何在激励与合作之间建立起直接的联系以及激励引入的时机。     

Perpetuating the Military Myth – Why the Psychology of the 2014 Australian Defence Pay Deal Is Irrelevant

There is a widespread belief that members of the armed forces have a unique psychological relationship with their institution and their nation, and that it is this relationship that leads to loyalty and self‐sacrifice. Yet this ‘military myth’ does not hold. Many soldiers serve for ‘occupational’ rather than ‘institutional’ reasons, and as the experience of private military contractors demonstrates, this need not reduce operational effectiveness. In this article, we argue that the concern expressed in the recent commentary in this journal by Williamson et. al. (2015) that the dispute over the 2014 Australian Defence Pay Deal may damage the ‘psychological contract’, turn it from ‘relational’ to ‘transactional’, and undermine operational effectiveness is unfounded and seems to buy into this military myth.     

欧亚经济联盟运行机制及其法治化路径

欧亚经济联盟作为近年来一个新兴的区域经济一体化组织,已经成为推动欧亚地区经济发展的重要力量,它以《欧亚经济联盟条约》为法律基础,并形成了以决策机制、关税同盟、争议和纠纷解决机制为主要内容的联盟运行机制。在具体运行中,由于大国政治、经济因素,决策机制出现了俄罗斯主导倾向,关税同盟存在着统一关税执行难、关税分配不平衡的困境,纠纷解决机制中的司法主权冲突问题。发展欧亚经济联盟需要将其运行机制朝向法治化方向发展,包括夯实联盟运行的法治化基础、强化主权平等下的决策机制、利益合理分享的关税同盟,以及联盟与成员国司法权平衡。欧亚经济联盟对中国"一带一路"具有极大影响,在法律框架下将两大项目对接是共同发展的最优选择,也是中国与欧亚经济联盟共赢的法治途径。     

Looking towards the East: the High Representative’s role in EU foreign policy on Kosovo and Ukraine

ASBTRACT

My article addresses the role of the two post-Lisbon High Representatives (HRs), Catherine Ashton and Federica Mogherini, in EU approach to the Eastern neighbourhood. Adopting a broad conceptualisation of EU foreign policy and drawing on the scholarly literature on new intergovernmentalism, it focuses on events that marked the HRs' mandates in the cases of Kosovo and Ukraine. In the case of Kosovo, it examines the HRs' role in the conclusion of the so-called Brussels Agreement (April 2013); and of the August 2015 agreements. In the case of Ukraine, it reconstructs how the HRs dealt with the events leading up to the November 2013 Vilnius Summit; and with those leading up to the conclusion in February 2015 of the Minsk II Agreement. The article argues that the European Council exerts tight control over the post-Lisbon HR, and EU foreign policy-making processes more generally. Nonetheless, the empirical analysis demonstrates that, under certain circumstance, the HR can significantly influence EU foreign policy in the post-Lisbon era.