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111.
苏联解体20年后,几乎所有的前共产主义国家都程度不同地完成了从计划经济向市场经济的转型.然而,仍然有些转型国家在这一进程中落在后面,其中就有前苏联的5个中亚加盟共和国.对于这些既不同于俄罗斯和东欧,更不同于西方发达国家的国家来说,实现转型没有明显的参照模式.本文的目的就是分析在东亚地区取得成功的"发展型政权"是否也能够为中亚经济体的发展提供一个参考模式. 相似文献
112.
马来西亚是语言汇聚的国家,在各大族群语言中,以马来族群和华裔族群的语言接触最为明显.本文参考国内外有关华语和马来语的借用研究,采用比较的方法,进行华语借用马来语词汇以及马来语借用华语词汇的双向探讨.调查发现,华语和马来语之间的词汇互借有许多共同点,不但比较集中在闽南语和马来语,而且词汇类型也以生活化的事物名词为主,这是两种文化在复合型社会中自然交流的具体反映. 相似文献
113.
Children of immigrants who do translations and who interpret for others using their heritage language and English are known
as language brokers. Although prior research suggests that children of immigrants’ perceptions of the language brokering experience
vary greatly—from feeling a sense of efficacy to feeling a sense of burden—what remains unanswered in the literature is identification
of the antecedents and processes that help to explain the varying psychological experience of language brokers. Using data
from a two-wave prospective longitudinal study of 256 Chinese American adolescents, the present study tested potential mechanisms
that may be responsible for adolescents’ perceptions of the language brokering experience as a sense or burden or sense of
efficacy. The results demonstrate that adolescents’ Chinese orientation sets in motion a family process that is linked to
variations in the perceptions of adolescents’ language brokering experience. Adolescents who are more Chinese oriented have
a stronger sense of familial obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to perceive that they matter to their parents.
Adolescents’ perceived sense of mattering to parents, in turn, is associated positively with a sense efficacy, and negatively
with a sense of burden as language brokers. Those adolescents who are less Chinese oriented have a weaker sense of familial
obligation, and these adolescents are more likely to feel a sense of alienation from their parents. Adolescents’ sense of
perceived alienation from parents, in turn, is associated with a sense of burden as language brokers. Implications for developing
interventions for children who act as language brokers for their parents are discussed.
相似文献
Su Yeong Kim (Corresponding author)Email: Email: |
114.
每个时代的优秀文化,都融注着每个时代新的民族精神。社会发展和历史进程都一再表明:中华民族自强不息的民族精神,已经深深地熔铸于中华民族的生命力、创造力和凝聚力之中,这是中华民族得以绵延千载、生生不息的精神动力,更是凝聚中华民族空前力量的无尽源泉。 相似文献
115.
马克思主义中国化就是用马克思主义来解决中国的问题,同时又使中国丰富的实践经验上升为理论,并且与中国的优秀文化相结合,以形成具有中国特色、中国风格和中国气派的马克思主义理论。 相似文献
116.
117.
王兆铮 《中共桂林市委党校学报》2009,9(1):1-5
前无古人的中国特色社会主义事业理所当然地要求强化探索精神,在改革开放取得重大成就更需要深入推进的时刻,回顾历史选行深刻反思,更是针对新的实际,更好地发扬探索精神,以进一步的认识和把握人类社会发展规律、社会主义建设规律、共产党执政规律,才能不断地把中国特色社会主义事业椎向推进。 相似文献
118.
不论从教学过程,还是交际功能讲,英语都与汉语言、汉文化有着千丝万缕的联系。因此英语教师不仅要有过硬的专业水平,而且要有较高的汉语言修养和汉文化修养。在英语教学中通过对两种语言的对比分析,加快学生学习和掌握英语的进程。 相似文献
119.
This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification. 相似文献
120.
Lee Morgenbesser 《The Pacific Review》2017,30(2):205-231
This paper explains how authoritarian regimes employ flawed elections to obtain both short-term legitimacy and long-term stability. In conjunction with the use of co-optation and repression, it argues that ruling parties hold de jure competitive elections to claim what is termed autonomous legitimation. This denotes the feigning of conformity to the established rules of the constitution and the shared beliefs of citizens. Regardless of overall turnout and support, ruling parties exploit the normative and symbolic value of elections in order to establish moral grounds for compliance within a dominant-subordinate relationship. In support of this argument, the case of Singapore's People's Action Party (PAP) is analysed in historical and contemporary terms. Since 1959, the PAP has used precisely timed elections to extract one or more mandate types from citizens and, by extension, claim legitimacy. In particular, it has sort a mandate based on its response to an event, execution of a policy and/or collection of a reward. In the long run, autocratic stability has been achieved through a process of reciprocal reinforcement, which has combined autonomous legitimation with targeted co-optation and low intensity coercion. The paper concludes by addressing the generalisability of this finding for other authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia. 相似文献