论我国公共秩序保留制度的完善

我国公共秩序保留制度相当完善,但仍存在一些疑难问题不能根本解决。一个根本的原因,就是没有很好的把握国际私法基本精神的走向。文章将从国际私法基本精神从“主权优位”到“平位协调”的转换方面,对我国公共秩序保留制度的发展方向加以定位,从而提出了对我国公共秩序保留制度的适用,在立法实践中加以限制和改善的建议。     

“保护的责任”与现代国际法律秩序

《2005年世界首脑会议成果》将“保护的责任”的范围限定于“保护人民免遭灭绝种族、战争罪、族裔清洗和危害人类罪之害的责任”,并明确国际社会提供保护的责任是国家保护的责任的补充。国际社会提供保护的前提是国家不能或怠于提供保护。灭绝种族、战争罪、族裔清洗和危害人类罪之害属于威胁人类安全的事项,因此,国际社会必须在联合国及其集体安全制度的框架范围内提供保护的责任。联合国框架下的“保护的责任”有利于防止大规模人道主义灾难和保护人类的安全,但在相关国际实践中要防止以此为借口破坏不干涉内政原则与联合国现行的集体安全制度。     

Property without authority? Between natural law and the Kantian state

ABSTRACT

In Territorial Sovereignty, Anna Stilz seeks to combine a Kant-inspired moral justification of the state with a natural law-inspired account of ‘foundational title’. The aim of my essay is to show that the contrasting ways in which these two frameworks conceptualize the relation between property (or rights over objects more generally) and authority lead to tensions on two levels of Stilz’s own argument. Concerning individuals’ occupation of land, the question is why some rights over objects can be acquired pre-politically (i.e. occupancy rights), while others cannot (i.e. property rights). And concerning states’ claims over territory, it is unclear whether state entrance basically ‘absorbs’ our political obligations, or whether states have a duty of justice to establish more ambitious (and possibly coercive) forms of global government. The underlying question is whether, or to what extent, Stilz remains committed to Kant’s unconditional justification of territorial sovereignty and, if so, how the very idea of natural rights (over objects in particular) can be made to fit into such an account.     

法与人权

为更好地保护和发展人权,我国进行了广泛的国际人权合作,逐步建立起比较完备的社会主义法律体系,使我国的人权状况有了显著的改善。但是我们与国际人权公约的标准仍有很大差距,还需要做大量的工作,在此笔者提出了几点拙见。     

Should Britain Have a Written Constitution?

The question - ought Britain to have a written, more properly, a codified constitution - is perhaps wrongly put. The real question ought to be - why should Britain not have such a constitution… She is, after all, one of just three democracies without one.
There are two reasons why Britain has lacked a constitution. The first is that, historically, Britain never had a constitutional moment; the second is the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty. Today, however, Britain finds herself engaged in the process of gradually converting an uncodified constitution into a codified one. There is undoubtedly a case in principle for enacting a constitution, but perhaps it ought to wait until the process is completed.
There is, moreover, a tension between two types of codified constitution - a lawyer's constitution which would be long and highly detailed, and a people's constitution which would be short, but, inevitably, broadly-worded, and therefore open to interpretation by the courts.     

A taxonomy of collaborative governance: a guide to understanding the diversity of international and domestic conservation accords

Partially in response to the increasing complexity of governance structures in the international environmental arena, international scholars have adopted a distinction between “Type 1” and “Type 2” international agreements. The former refer to agreements between governments, whereas the latter refer to agreements between governments and nonstate actors. While useful, this distinction offers only a partial taxonomy of the diversity of collaborative governance, and fails to incorporate “Type 3” dynamics among nonstate actors. As an initial attempt at sorting out the wide array of collaborative governance structures both domestically and across international borders, we propose a 3 × 3 matrix based on two typologies, one institutional (governmental, collaborative, nonstate), the other geopolitical (domestic, transborder, interstate/transnational). The result is a classification system of nine types of both domestic and international governance. In addition to identifying fundamental differences among the myriad forms of governance, the matrix reveals how the “softening of sovereignty” occurs in practice.

“人权的终结”六论

作为意识形态的人权成功波及全球,而作为实践的人权却面临着巨大灾难和困境,这形成了鲜明的悖论。尽管权利是自由主义的卓越产物,但自由主义政治哲学和法律哲学却未能充分理解权利的运作。因此,本文提出一种新的人权谱系和人权哲学对自由主义人权理论予以替代。作者主要从人权与自然法的革命性特征,人权与主权的内在联系,人权普世主义与文化相对主义的相互依赖,以及人权在追求人的解放和自我实现过程中对主体的分裂和重构等方面展开论述。     

立法权概论

研究立法权应界定法的内涵与处延。法的内涵具有以下属性 :时间性、空间性、事实性和价值性 ;法的处延是习惯法、制定法和判例法。立法是一定主体确立具有普遍效力的法规范和法规则。立法权的性质有合法性、统一性和民主性。中国现行的立法体制是一元性二级立法体制。一元性立法体制和复合性立法体制各有利弊。影响我国立法体制的理论因素是 :分权限立法理论、扩大授权理论和特区理论。立法权是主权的一部分 ,主权是有限相对的。     

主权财富基金与海合会金融合作

海合会作为区域一体化组织,一方面推进区域货币和金融一体化,另一方面又是主权财富基金的发源地和分布最密集的区域。海合会成员国主权财富基金在区域内的投资呈现出促进区域金融合作的潜能,它不仅投资广泛,而且出现了合资主权财富基金。但是,这种促进作用也面临诸多挑战,比如产业结构趋同导致投资品种单一、区域大国的影响,以及政治发展的障碍等。     

国际商事仲裁中当事人意思自治领域的新发展——以《纽约公约》第5、6、7条的修改为中心

《纽约公约》是当今承认与执行外国仲裁裁决领域最具影响力的国际公约,自1958年生效以来,已经得到约140个国家的承认。《纽约公约》对促进国际经贸的发展作出了巨大的贡献,但在近半个世纪的适用实践中,它也暴露出一些不足,在某些方面还引起了较大的争议。本文从仲裁的本质出发,论述如何通过对《纽约公约》的修改,扩大当事人意思自治的范围,营造一个更有利于国际商事仲裁的环境。