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131.
Abstract: The mass media are assigned an important role in political campaigns on popular votes. This article asks how the press communicates political issues to citizens during referendum campaigns, and whether some minimal criteria for successful public deliberation are met. The press coverage of all 24 ballot votes on welfare state issues from 1995 to 2004 in Switzerland is examined, distinguishing seven criteria to judge how news coverage compares to idealized notions of the media’s role in the democratic process: coverage intensity, time for public deliberation, balance in media coverage, source independence and inclusiveness, substantive coverage, and spatial homogeneity. The results of our quantitative analysis suggest that the press does fulfil these normative requirements to a reasonable extent and that fears about biased or deceitful media treatment of ballot issues are not well‐founded. However, some potential for optimizing the coverage of referendum campaigns by the Swiss press does exist. 相似文献
132.
瑞士公务员培训具有培训机构的多元性、培训需求的针对性、培训内容的实用性、培训形式的灵活性、培训师资的多样性等特点。学习和借鉴瑞士公务员培训的成功经验,对搞好我国公务员培训工作,特别是进一步提高中国井冈山干部学院干部教育培训的实效性、统筹性和针对性,打造干部教育培训的"井冈模式"具有很大的启示。 相似文献
133.
Nenad Stojanovi 《Swiss Political Science Review》2006,12(4):131-157
Central to consociational (or power‐sharing) theory is the claim that multicultural societies require electoral systems based on proportional representation (PR) in order to ensure a fair representation of the various cultural groups in parliament. In this context, Switzerland is often cited as a “PR country”, as well as the key example of successful consociationalism. This article argues that, in this respect, the Swiss experience does not support consociational theory as far as the representation of linguistic groups is concerned. The counterevidence is found by exploring the variety of Swiss electoral systems, both at the national level and in the four multilingual cantons. The article suggests that territoriality (i.e. definition of electoral districts) is the key variable for ensuring linguistic proportionality in parliament. When this is not possible, as is the case in some elections in the multilingual cantons, majoritarian systems sometimes do a better job than PR. 相似文献
134.
Christine Trampusch 《Swiss Political Science Review》2008,14(1):49-84
The article reconstructs the development of the Swiss welfare state against the background of the transformation of trade unions' social policy activities. It detects a sequence of trade unions' activities in social policy which runs uniformly to the development of the welfare state. While in the liberal phase of the Swiss welfare state trade unions were sceptical of national social policy and preferred mutual insurance and collective bargaining, in its post‐liberal phase they have become proponents of national social policy legislation. 相似文献
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136.
Matthias Fatke 《Swiss Political Science Review》2015,21(1):99-118
This paper analyses the moderating effect of direct democracy on the relationship between socioeconomic status and electoral participation. A sceptical position holds that direct democracy increases social bias in the electorate as issues are too complex and demanding. Participatory democrats in contrast invoke an educative effect of direct democratic institutions, thus decreasing social bias within the electorate. To test both arguments we use data from the Swiss cantons and estimate cross‐level interactions of socioeconomic and direct democracy variables on electoral participation. First differences between effects in the least and most direct democratic cantons are not statistically significant. This result may be seen as relief for sceptics as well as dampener for proponents of direct democracy. 相似文献
137.
Party,Regional and Linguistic Proportionality Under Majoritarian Rules: Swiss Federal Council Elections 下载免费PDF全文
Nenad Stojanović 《Swiss Political Science Review》2016,22(1):41-58
The elections to the Swiss Federal Council in December 2015 re‐established a system of party‐centred concordance, cherished in consociational theory, consisting of two representatives of the Swiss People's Party, two Radicals, two Social Democrats and one Christian Democrat. At the same time, the government has rarely been as unbalanced in terms of the representation of Switzerland's languages and regions. The article analyses the concept of concordance with regard to both aspects of governmental inclusiveness. It also highlights the crucial role of electoral rules used in governmental elections. It argues that they resemble the Alternative Vote, a majoritarian electoral system that has been criticized in consociational theory but prescribed by the rival, centripetalist approach to power sharing. 相似文献
138.
In this article, we are interested in the extent to which federalism is able to deal with peripheral protest through shared rule channels. Shared rule as a key dimension of federal states has not thus far received adequate academic attention. Empirically, we analyse the use of all cantonal initiatives in Switzerland over the past 25 years as a particular instrument of shared rule, subsequently focusing on two peripheral regions with successful regionalist parties, Ticino and Geneva. We find that regionalist parties contribute towards radicalizing peripheral demands in search of attention from the centre. This leads to the mainstreaming of peripheral demands by pulling other parties along. We conclude that shared rule properly designed gives even the most peripheral regions a voice in national decisions, but that regionalist parties may also use shared rule instruments to mobilize their electorate at home to fight their non-regionalist competitors. 相似文献
139.
The 2015 election to the Swiss Parliament marks a return to an already observed trend that was only interrupted in 2011: a shift to the right and an increase in polarization. The vote share of the nationalist-conservative Swiss People's Party (SVP) has now reached a historical height of 29.4% (+2.8). This note discusses why cantons matter in the Swiss national elections, and to what degree elections have become nationalized. Institutionally, the 26 cantons serve as electoral districts. This leads to a highly disproportional electoral system and has magnified the minor vote shifts to a slightly more pronounced shift in seats, with the right now holding a tiny majority of 101 of 200 seats in the first chamber. The two winners, the SVP and the Liberals, also had most campaign funds at their disposal. They were able to guide an extensive nationwide campaign in which they advocated their core issues instead of candidates. Other parties only advertised at the cantonal level. 相似文献
140.
武学超 《国家教育行政学院学报》2014,(9)
近年来,瑞士政府采取多种有效策略培育国家卓越青年学术研究人才,其学术研究人才资源及成果产出诸多指标均居世界领先地位。借鉴瑞士的做法及成功经验,我国在实施人才战略过程中,应努力消除体制机制壁垒解决高层次青年学术研究人才性别失衡问题,实施卓越导向的质量评价机制解决杰出青年学术研究人才培育难题,加强协同创新解决学术研究人员成果产出竞争力不足难题。 相似文献