全文获取类型
收费全文 | 2801篇 |
免费 | 35篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 143篇 |
工人农民 | 43篇 |
世界政治 | 31篇 |
外交国际关系 | 99篇 |
法律 | 572篇 |
中国共产党 | 50篇 |
中国政治 | 271篇 |
政治理论 | 223篇 |
综合类 | 1404篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 1篇 |
2022年 | 27篇 |
2021年 | 48篇 |
2020年 | 70篇 |
2019年 | 35篇 |
2018年 | 26篇 |
2017年 | 27篇 |
2016年 | 44篇 |
2015年 | 41篇 |
2014年 | 161篇 |
2013年 | 163篇 |
2012年 | 152篇 |
2011年 | 145篇 |
2010年 | 179篇 |
2009年 | 219篇 |
2008年 | 226篇 |
2007年 | 248篇 |
2006年 | 262篇 |
2005年 | 202篇 |
2004年 | 173篇 |
2003年 | 138篇 |
2002年 | 91篇 |
2001年 | 94篇 |
2000年 | 41篇 |
1999年 | 9篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 1篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有2836条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
991.
王尽美是在山东传播马克思主义的第一人,一生都为山东的革命事业做出了卓越的贡献。王尽美用通俗易懂的方式在山东进行马克思主义的宣传,积极向民众灌输马克思主义的重要理论,选择性传播马克思主义,不仅为马克思主义在山东实现大众化奠定了基础,也运用马克思主义基本原理领导和指导山东的革命斗争。而帝国主义对山东的侵略、封建军阀对山东的独裁统治以及山东民众的生活困苦不堪等都为王尽美在山东选择性传播马克思主义提供了重要的历史机缘。 相似文献
992.
颜琰琰 《云南公安高等专科学校学报》2014,(1):25-27
2013年是全面贯彻落实党的十八大精神的开局之年,扎实推进党风廉政建设和反腐败工作,对永葆党的纯洁性意义重大。本文主要从党的十八大及党的十八届三中全会对反腐倡廉建设的部署和要求,全面分析新形势腐败的新动向,总结腐败的原因,推动新的历史条件下反腐倡廉建设与党的纯洁性建设的思考,永葆党的纯洁性。 相似文献
993.
任梦华 《南京大学法律评论》2014,(2):81-90
美国《时代》周刊把中国工人列为2009年度人物亚军,展示了中国工人的力量.在一个不断物质化以及“弱势群体”边缘化的社会,“把工人阶级带回分析的中心”有其理论和方法论意义.梳理工人阶级的历史变迁脉络,廓清“新工人阶级”的法治生存境况,把握作为“阶级”抑或“阶层”的工人群体的主体性及其内涵,是我们辨析其法律身份认同和共同意识的前提和基础.而要使他们真正回归“劳动者”,必须发掘其内在的力量,在法治的轨道上实现其结社自由和罢工权利. 相似文献
994.
公务员精神来源于公务员制度的本质规定。具有中国特色的社会主义公务员制度决定了中国公务员精神与西方公务员精神既有相同之处,又在“政治中立”这一点上有着根本的区别。随着中国特色社会主义公务员制度的不断完善,公务员精神的内涵也应当不断丰富和发展。公务员精神体现了公务员制度中的爱国主义、集体主义、职业精神和时代精神。当前最为迫切的就是以个人自律、组织教育、制度控制、环境制约等为主要途径,从精神、制度与方法的有机结合上促使每个公务员真正成为“公务员精神”的实践者和体现者。 相似文献
995.
The Bahamian Public Service faces general pressures for better performance, including higher quality, rational administrative systems, and managerial innovation. Because organizational effectiveness depends on high-quality and committed human capital, performance appraisal is important. This study will describe, assess, and recommend changes in the current system. 相似文献
996.
《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(1):61-78
Abstract Are organizational characteristics, such as agency type, size, and growth, linked to female representation in the Korean civil service? This study analyzes the aggregate data regarding the female workforce in the Korean civil service in 2001 through multiple regression analysis. Findings indicate that the Korean women are likely to be underrepresented in most national agencies and severely underrepresented at higher‐level grades. While the Korean women doubled in the civil service for the last two decades, employment of women at the highest grade levels did not improve significantly. Redistributive agencies are directly linked to female representation in the Korean civil service regardless of grade levels, whereas agency size and growth are not related to female employment representation. To achieve gender equality and to expand female senior executive feed levels, the Korean government has provided the quotas for successful female applicants in the civil service entrance examinations at the lowest through middle level grades since 1996. The use of quotas and policies for gender equality could lead to changes in the entire public workforce, particularly fair representation at higher‐level positions as well as the elimination of agency and occupational segregation. 相似文献
997.
Paul Chaney 《Contemporary Politics》2013,19(2):203-220
This paper focuses on the policy discourse of the Commonwealth in Wales, UK general election manifestos 1945–2010. It reveals party politicization in the immediate post-war period underpinned by contrasts in policy framing and a Left–Right cleavage spanning a range of issues including immigration and development. A significant post-1970 decline in salience is shown to be accompanied by a shift from substantive to symbolic policy-making and cross-party convergence around residual policy frames whereby the Commonwealth is used to evoke past influence and a normative vision of international governance. This has wider significance for the present electoral discourse approach provides a transferable methodology to inform understanding of party dynamics and policy framing in the formative stage of international relations policy-making. 相似文献
998.
Claire Scott 《Communicatio》2013,39(4):18-31
ABSTRACTBy exploring three films that centre on the Marikana strikes and killings of 2012, I seek to examine both the representations of violence as trauma, and the trauma of representing violence, within the context of visual, cinematic texts. I position Marikana, and the trauma of Marikana, as both a highly significant moment, and also as representative of deeper social and political traumas and injustices. I ask whether and how these films create a narrative context for this pivotal moment in South African history. I also question the effects of cinematic style and genre in the depictions of trauma and violence. The institutional context in which each film originated and developed is important, and I argue that the audience's expectations of the genre of documentary film also play a significant role in the way in which the films process trauma. I situate my paper in conversation with previous articles by Lucy Graham and Helene Strauss among others, that deal with cinematic portrayals of Marikana. By examining the selected films alongside each other, and through the lens of Decolonial Trauma Studies, I hope to elucidate the ways in which these South African films deal with and work through trauma. 相似文献
999.
Saskia van Genugten 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2013,48(1):72-85
With the elections of 2012, the main party driving the Islam debate in the Netherlands was sidelined. The new government of Liberals and Social Democrats is trying to re-bury the contentious issue, not least because Islam-related questions have had a confusing effect on their parties. Nonetheless, with societal concerns lingering, the topic is likely to reappear. In the Netherlands, the wariness towards (Islamic) immigration is not rooted in fears of ethnic or religious competition. Instead, it tends to receive serious political attention only when cloaked as a defence of secularist and liberal values. As such, curbing Islamic practices is presented as a way to protect a (self-promoted) image of the Netherlands as a non-judgemental and tolerant place. The paradox remains that that self-image was traditionally meant to include minorities, not to exclude them. 相似文献
1000.
本文对第二届中国沿边地区发展高层论坛各位领导和专家、学者的发言作简要综述。 相似文献