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881.
中国——东盟自由贸易区的经济效应分析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
从本质上看,中国——东盟自由贸易区属于南南型区域经济合作,主要目标是通过双边制度性安排,推进中国与东盟诸国间的贸易自由化和投资自由化,同时加强经济技术等领域的合作。中国——东盟自由贸易区的建成将对中国与东盟诸国经济产生积极的贸易效应和投资效应,对中国和东盟均具有重要的意义。我国应采取多种措施,积极推进该自由贸易区的深化发展  相似文献   
882.
Inequality is a central explanation of political distrust in democracies, but has so far rarely been considered a cause of (dis-)trust towards supranational governance. Moreover, while political scientists have extensively engaged with income inequality, other salient forms of inequality, such as the regional wealth distribution, have been sidelined. These issues point to a more general shortcoming in the literature. Determinants of trust in national and European institutions are often theorized independently, even though empirical studies have demonstrated large interdependence in citizens’ evaluations of national and supranational governance levels. In this paper, we argue that inequality has two salient dimensions: (1) income inequality and (2) regional inequality. Both dimensions are important antecedent causes of European Union (EU) trust, the effects of which are mediated by evaluations of national institutions. On the micro-level, we suggest that inequality decreases a person's trust in national institutions and thereby diminishes the positive effect of national trust on EU trust. On the macro-level, inequality decreases country averages of trust in national institutions. This, however, informs an individual's trust in the EU positively, compensating for the seemingly untrustworthiness of national institutions. Finally, we propose that residing in an economically declining region can depress institutional trust. We find empirical support for our arguments by analysing regional temporal change over four waves of the European Social Survey 2010–2016 with a sample of 209 regions nested in 24 EU member states. We show that changes in a member state's regional inequality have similarly strong effects on trust as changes in the Gini coefficient of income inequality. Applying causal mediation techniques, we can show that the effects of inequality on EU trust are largely mediated through citizens’ evaluations of national institutions. In contrast, residing in an economically declining region directly depresses EU trust, with economically lagging areas turning their back on European governance and resorting to the national level instead. Our findings highlight the relevance of regional inequality for refining our understanding of citizens’ support for Europe's multi-level governance system and the advantages of causal modelling for the analysis of political preferences in a multi-level governance system.  相似文献   
883.
Innovation in public administration (PA) has played a pivotal role in building good governance and has attracted significant attention in the academia. The literature on PA innovation is burgeoning; however, this article argues that there is ‘a missing link’ in the extant literature in that the impacts of variation in context on PA innovation have not been sufficiently investigated. This article elaborates the analytical perspectives on the influences of various contexts over PA innovation and the mechanisms through which impacts may take place. Both theoretical and methodological complexities and challenges are apparent in disentangling contextual influences from other factors. The article proposes a research agenda for a context‐orientated comparative analysis of PA innovation and offers a brief illustration regarding contextual differences between China and the European Union in existing studies. The article calls for further studies in this direction.  相似文献   
884.
Why and how the regulation of emerging technologies occurs is not clear in the literature. In this study, we adapt the multiple streams framework – often used for explaining agenda-setting and policy adoption – to examine the phenomenon. We hypothesize how technological change affects policy-making and identify conditions under which the streams can be (de-)coupled. We trace the formulation of the General Data Protection Regulation to show that the regulation occupied the legislative agenda when a policy window was exploited through policy entrepreneurship to frame technological change as a problem for data privacy and legislative harmonization within the European Union. Although constituencies interested in promoting internet technologies made every effort to stall the regulation, various actors, activities, and events helped the streams remain coupled, eventually leading to its adoption. We conclude that the alignment of problem, policy, politics, and technology – through policy entrepreneurship – influences the timing and design of technology regulation.  相似文献   
885.
中国特色社会主义工会发展道路与中国特色社会主义道路的关系是当前工会理论研究的重点课题,对于工会找准定位,发挥作用,推动中国特色社会主义发展至关重要。中国特色社会主义工会发展道路的性质和特色,决定于中国特色社会主义道路,其内容又丰富了中国特色社会主义的道路内容。  相似文献   
886.
Institutional regionalization has come very late to East Asia compared with Europe, but its pace has dramatically increased since the mid-1990s. Many agreements, including bilateral ones such as those signed between Japan and Singapore, or pluri-lateral ones such as those between ASEAN countries, cover an ever increasing number of countries of the East Asian region, including Japan, India, and China. We first analyze Asian integration as a de facto, spontaneous, development of trade. Trade specialization in Asia has often been described as guided by the different levels of development of the countries participating in the regional integration. It constitutes a vertical division of labor between poor countries exporting natural resources and/or labor-intensive products to developed countries exporting machinery, sophisticated parts and components, and high-tech products. This trade structure is radically different from the European horizontal division of labor (exchange of different varieties of similar goods). Then we look at the micro-economic level how Japanese firms tend to integrate Asia into their international network, with Japanese partners being used as relays for Japanese export of semi-manufactured products. Last we present a simulation with the MIRAGE model of a scenario of general regionalization in which all the regions of the world develop preferential treatment for neighboring countries. These agreements are limited to industrial products with particular attention to the automotive sector. The main results are that Asia is the main winner in such a scenario, and within Asia it is Japan and Korea that will be the main winners. In fact, because developing Asia is one of the most protected regions of the world, the impact of liberalization is also the highest. Second, Japan and Korea are best placed to profit from these regional agreements, because other developed countries are excluded from the market of developing Asia. They also have superiority in manufacturing goods whereas countries like China might have problems upscaling their industrial production. Nevertheless our model did not take into account the voluntary pace of development chosen by China and that she will use her powerful state system to avoid being locked into low-tech, low-value-added products.
Michel FouquinEmail:
  相似文献   
887.
1957年秋冬(9月3日至12月2日),郑振铎应邀去东欧访问和讲学,先后到了保加利亚、捷克斯洛伐克和苏联各地,还参加了庆祝十月革命40周年等一系列政治活动.在列宁格勒东方学研究所的4天中,他查阅和抄录了敦煌文献并参观了博物馆等.郑振铎在出访时期,经常给家人和朋友、同事写信,并写有日记.但由于众所周知的原因,郑振铎当时并没有将其公布.目前整理出版的郑振铎日记和书信中保存了他在列宁格勒的见闻和观感,这是对苏藏敦煌文献在公布之前所能见到的最详尽记录,具有重要的史料价值.  相似文献   
888.
走向独立社团:中国工会发展之进路选择   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
中国工会在不同的历史阶段,发挥了不同的社会作用,与同期的政府先后形成了相互对抗、相互依附的关系。在当今转型社会中,计划经济时代形成的工会组织与政府之间的依附关系,已经严重影响工会作用的发挥;而职工利益保护和公共行政改革要求重塑工会作为社会团体的独立地位,现行立法也为之提供了可能性。同时,工会组织独立性的塑造也要求其代表和维护职工的合法权益这一基本职能的进一步明确。  相似文献   
889.
长期以来,国际税收协定与国内反避税法的关系问题一直存在争议。一般认为,税收协定优于国内税法;但是,为了防止纳税人滥用税收协定进行避税,该原则也不应绝对化。受控外国公司税制作为一种重要的反避税措施,也产生了与税收协定的兼容性问题。从欧盟国家的实践来看,观点并不一致。但2003年OECD范本注释明确规定,两者是兼容的。由于我国在新的企业所得税中规定了该项税制,因此,解决两者的兼容性也是必须面对的问题。同时,在《宪法》没有对条约在国内法中地位进行规定之前,我国《企业所得税法》第58条应得到完善。  相似文献   
890.
The delegation of governance tasks to third parties is generally assumed to help governments to avoid blame once policies become contested. International organizations, including the European Union (EU), are considered particularly opportune in this regard. The literature lacks assessments of the blame avoidance effects of delegation, let alone of the effects of different delegation designs. To address this gap in the literature, we study public blame attributions in the media coverage of two contested EU policies during the financial crisis and the migration crisis. We show that the blame avoidance effect of delegation depends on the delegation design: When agents are independent (dependent) of government control, we observe lower (higher) shares of public blame attributions targeting the government (blame shifting effect), and when agents are external (internal) to the government apparatus, overall public blame attributions for a contested policy will be less (more) frequent (blame obfuscation effect). Our findings yield important normative implications for how to maintain governments’ accountability once they have delegated governance tasks to third parties.  相似文献   
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