改革开放以来我国多党合作制度的理论发展

改革开放以来的30年，是世界政党政治深刻变化，剧烈激荡的30年。改革开放后，我国的经济形态和社会结构发生了深刻变化，但共产党领导下的多党合作制度也得到不断巩固和完善，在世界政党政治发展中占有重要地位。本文梳理了改革开放以来我国多党合作制度理论的发展，以期反映30年来我国政党制度和民主政治的发展脉络。     

腐败行为及其治理选择——基于前景理论的研究

提出一个应用前景理论研究腐败行为的分析架构,考察腐败行为的特征、治理手段及其效率。研究发现,对于存在非理性偏差的腐败行为,加大惩罚力度的效果取决于行为人所受处罚的相对风险规避度量,一定条件下存在"惩罚陷阱":加大惩处力度反而使行为人加大腐败投入,选择高风险的腐败行为,此时行为人存在极端的赌徒心态。一个弹性的惩罚制度等同于一个对腐败的边际惩罚递减的惩罚制度,会增加行为人的腐败价值预期,增强行为人逃避严惩的侥幸心理,加剧腐败行为蔓延。并且,弹性越大,行为人绝对风险规避度越小,腐败行为的收入预期越高,腐败蔓延的速度越快。高薪的激励效果则依赖于监督惩罚环境、薪酬支付体系与行为人的价值取向。对处于经济转型的发展中国家而言,经济发展不平衡,利益矛盾冲突加剧,强烈冲击人们的价值取向与行为规范,行为人不患寡而患不均,提高官员薪酬的激励手段难以取得好的反腐效果。优化监督执法环境与公务员的选才机制是治理腐败的有效手段。     

A NATIONWIDE SURVEY OF MANDATORY PARENT EDUCATION*

In an effort to take positive steps toward coping with problems for families and children created by high levels of separation and divorce, ever increasing civil caseloads and the exposure of children to interparental conflict, court‐affiliated educational programs have emerged in the United States for parents separating from their spouse or partner or going through a divorce. This article will provide an overview of the creation of such programs and their development, which includes a discussion regarding the numerous states currently mandating parents to attend. It will summarize some of the research which has been conducted as to the efficacy of the programs and will provide the results of our nationwide research for each state's parent education status. There is a discussion of domestic violence issues and sensitivities in the context of parent education programs and possible future directions for mandatory parent education.     

从渐进决策理论看我国行政管理体制改革

渐进决策理论是林德布洛姆在修正全面理性决策理论和有限理性决策理论的基础上提出的。其基本原则是按部就班、质变到量变和稳中求变。我国行政体例改革采取渐进式改革有其必然性。深化我国行政管理体制改革应整体推行渐进式改革、局部采取激进式改革、渐进式改革与激进式改革相互协调。     

试论张竞生美育思想的理论渊源

张竞生是20世纪初的留法哲学博士、著名学者。张竞生的美育思想是我国美学史上的宝贵财富，它体现了近代中国中西文化的冲突与融合，具有深远的理论渊源。     

试析当代西方绿色政治理论的形成与影响

当代西方社会政治运动中出现了一种新兴思想流派——绿色政治理论。它随着环保运动的深入发展和绿党在西方政坛的崛起，对西方社会产生了越来越广泛的影响。它是在科学技术高度发展、地球生态环境急剧恶化、资本主义社会危机日益严重和世界和平运动深入开展的形势下产生的。这一理论对人类传统的价值理念、西方社会政治生活和政坛产生了巨大的冲击，对我国社会主义现代化建设也具有重要的借鉴意义     

The effectiveness of NGO self‐regulation: theory and evidence from Africa

Non‐governmental organizations (NGOs) play an increasingly important role in public service provision and policy making in sub‐Saharan Africa, stimulating demand for new forms of regulatory oversight. In response, a number of initiatives in NGO self‐regulation have emerged. Using cross‐national data on 20 African countries, the article shows that self‐regulation in Africa falls into three types: national‐level guilds, NGO‐led clubs and voluntary codes of conduct. Each displays significant weaknesses from a regulatory policy perspective. National guilds have a broad scope, but require high administrative oversight capacity on the part of NGOs. Voluntary clubs have stronger standards but typically have much weaker coverage. Voluntary codes are the most common form of self‐regulation, but have the weakest regulatory strength. This article argues that the weakness of current attempts to improve the accountability and regulatory environment of NGOs stems in part from a mismatch between the goals of regulation and the institutional incentives embedded in the structure of most self‐regulatory regimes. The article uses the logic of collective action to illustrate the nature of this mismatch and the tradeoffs between the potential breadth and strength of various forms of NGO self‐regulation using three detailed case studies. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

独生子女恋爱观及其行为调查与分析

调查数据显示独生子女在适当恋爱年龄、适当结婚年龄等方面的认知观念上与非独生子女并无显著差异,但在恋爱行为上却比非独生子女更早进入恋爱,这既与独生子女群体报告的父母准许的恋爱年龄较晚相悖,更与独生子女群体自身判断的适当恋爱年龄相悖——提前了2-3年。本研究提出并运用"同辈亲密关系补偿理论"对这一悖论给予了相关解释,并分析了这种同辈亲密关系在量、质、功能上的特征,最后对如何预防独生子女青少年过早恋爱提出了若干意见。     

Between Interculturalism and Ethnocentrism: Local Government and the Indigenous Movement in Otavalo‐Ecuador

To what extent might an indigenous mayor govern beyond ethnically defined grievances, without being labelled traitor by the indigenous organisation? This article deals with the challenges faced by the Ecuadorian indigenous movement when it attains power in local government. The issue will be explored through the case of Mario Conejo, who in 2000 became the first indigenous mayor of Otavalo representing the indigenous political movement Pachakutik. Although ethnically based tensions in the local indigenous movement were evident throughout the period, 2006 saw Conejo leave Pachakutik and create a new political movement. This rupture can be traced, I argue, to an intercultural dilemma and the difficulties of ethnically defined political movements.     

Bagehot Smiling: Gordon Brown's ‘New Constitution’ and the Revolution that Did Not Happen

The MPs expenses scandal that erupted in May 2009 has certainly rekindled interest in the next stage of constitutional reform and democratic renewal in Britain. This article examines how Gordon Brown's tenure as Prime Minister has differed from Tony Blair's in relation to the ‘new politics’ narrative. It argues that despite his long‐term personal commitment to major constitutional reforms, the role of crises in recalibrating the political opportunity structure and the manner in which electoral incentives can alter elite attitudes to institutional change that Brown's tenure can be characterised by optimism followed by timidity. Gordon Brown may have flown a few kites in relation to a written constitution, electoral reform, English devolution and the future of the House of Lords but he has left things far too late for a ‘constitutional moment’. Brown may have the political inclination but he lacks the capacity to deliver far‐reaching reform; Cameron is likely to have the capacity but not the inclination.