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151.
目的观察单用帕罗西汀、调肝益肾汤及帕罗西汀联合调肝益肾汤治疗早泄的临床疗效。方法将96例早泄患者随机分为帕罗西汀组、调肝益肾汤组、中西医结合组,每组32例。帕罗西汀组予以帕罗西汀,每次20mg,口服,每晚1次;调肝益肾汤组予以中药调肝益肾汤口服,每日1剂,早晚分服;中西医结合组联合服用帕罗西汀与中药调肝益肾汤。3组疗程均为8周,比较3组患者治疗前后及停药10周末阴道内射精潜伏时间(intravaginal ejaculatory latency time,IELT)、中国早泄患者性功能指数(Chinese index of sexual function for premature ejaculation,CIPE)及不良反应。结果治疗后及停药10周末,3组患者IELT均较治疗前明显延长(P<0.05),CIPE评分及各条目评分均较治疗前明显升高(P<0.05);与帕罗西汀组、调肝益肾汤组比较,治疗后及停药10周末中西医结合组患者IELT明显延长(P<0.05),CIPE评分及各条目评分明显升高(P<0.05)。停药10周末,调肝益肾汤IELT显著大于帕罗西汀组(P<0.05),而CIPE评分及各条目评分与帕罗西汀组比较,差异均无统计学意义(P>0.05)。3组不良反应发生率比较,差异无统计学差异(P>0.05)。结论调肝益肾汤联合帕罗西汀治疗早泄的短期疗效和长期疗效较好,不良反应少。单用调肝益肾汤因其较好的安全性及长期疗效,亦有一定的临床应用价值。 相似文献
152.
ABSTRACTThis paper develops expectations about the likelihood of diversionary conflict initiation by parliamentary democracies with single-party majoritarian (SPM) governments. While most of the literature on diversion and governmental arrangement claims that SPMs have little incentive and/or limited capacity to execute diversionary gambits, we contend that the structural and environmental impetuses for diversion in such states are in fact largely indeterminate. We posit that the psychological attributes of prime ministers under SPM – in particular, their level of distrust – is the most important predictor of how they view structural and environmental constraints, and thus of whether they will militarily divert from poor economic conditions. Distrustful prime ministers are predisposed to the use of force, will dwell on the costs of economic problems, and fear that co-partisan MPs (especially in the cabinet) have designs on their office. Thus, despite having a legislative majority, these leaders will choose diversionary conflict over economic policy fixes. We conduct a partial test of this hypothesis in the British case from 1945 to 2007, and our analyses provide robust support. 相似文献
153.
毒品犯罪是一个全球化的问题。在我国 ,毒品犯罪的重灾区有六个 ,其中五个在西部。本文从我国东、西部受国际环境影响、城市化进程 (区域化经济发展 )的不同着眼 ,通过研究东、西部毒品犯罪人员、吸毒人群的差异 ,研究东、西部毒品犯罪方法手段的异同 ,旨在为国家有关部门和实战一线的辑毒工作提供决策依据。 相似文献
154.
Siegfried Jenkner 《European Journal for Education Law and Policy》1998,2(2):165-170
This article shows the recent European discussion on and developments in the reform of school government and administration.
This reorganisation is directed at reducing state influence and widening self-responsibility of schools. It is a part of a
general development towards decentralisation and deregulation, subsidiarity and plurality in civil society. This overview,
with illustrations from different countries, shows a general agreement in Western and Eastern Europe that the humanisation
of education must also be promoted through liberalisation and democratisation of decision-making.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
155.
DAN HOUGH 《The Political quarterly》2005,76(2):253-263
Communist successor parties in central Europe are not a homogeneous group of political actors. Processes of organisational reform undertaken in the immediate post-1989 period placed them on a programmatic trajectory which has since proven difficult to successfully modify. Parties that centralised power around a small group of elite actors have enjoyed more flexibility in their attempts to maximise votes and remain ideologically broad. Parties that radically democratised by empowering their memberships and/or middle-ranking officials have remained much more ideologically conservative and have tend to be neo-communist in orientation. This has strongly affected not just their positions in national party systems, but also their attitudes and behaviour towards foreign actors/institutions. Some communist successor parties therefore remain side-lined on the anti-capitalist far-left while others have developed into confident, outward-looking centre-left actors while one - the Slovak SDL - imploded on account of its own internal contradictions. 相似文献
156.
Jill Lovecy 《Feminist Legal Studies》2002,10(3-4):271-283
Drawing on published materials from the Committee of Ministers, Assembly and expert working groups of the Council of Europe,
this paper investigates the distinctive contribution made to the framing of women's rights over the last two decades by this
regional organisation, which recent studies of the `Europeanisation' of public policies have largely neglected. Elements of
congruence are identified between the major mobilising themes of second wave feminism and the Council's emphasis on protecting
individual rights, and its sensitivity to the incompleteness and shortcomings of `actually existing' democratic institutions
and practices. The relative openness of its agenda-setting processes is also underlined. The Council's flag ship policies
for women are shown to have centred since the mid-1980s on a `politics of presence' frame and the (contested) concept of `parity
democracy', and the tensions between these and the more recent turn to gender mainstreaming are explored. But the paper also
points to the Council's role in diffusing into the E.U. governance arena women's claims to equal participation and presence
in the policy process, and notes recent French and U.K. legislation as testifying to the continuing salience of these claims
at the national level.
This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
157.
洪瑶 《四川警官高等专科学校学报》2002,14(1):12-14
西部地区的贫穷与落后,从法律制度上分析,主要是西部法制环境的滞后。如何消除这一不利因素,首先,树立宪法和法律的权威,增强法律至上的观念;其次,依法规范政府的行政行为,增加透明度;第三,加强地方立法建设,确保有法可依。 相似文献
158.
周炳亮 《广西政法管理干部学院学报》2002,17(2):36-37
本文主要就西部开发面临的法治问题和检察机关在西部大开发中的主要任务 ,结合广西区情谈作者个人看法。 相似文献
159.
张贵霞 《天津市工会管理干部学院学报》2002,10(2):56-59
作为向西方学习的实践活动,近代中国人经历了从洋务运动到戊戌变法,再到辛亥革命,直至五四运动等几个历史阶段。伴随着这一过程,中国社会也经历了由经济到政治并到文化的三个层面的巨大变革。 相似文献
160.
Marcelo F. Aebi 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2004,10(2-3):163-186
This paper analyses the evolution of police recorded crime rates for nine offences (intentional homicide, assault, rape, robbery, theft, vehicle theft, burglary, domestic burglary, and drug offences) over the period 1990–2000 in 16 Western European Countries. The analysis shows that there was an increase in drug and violent offences, while property offences reached a peak at the beginning of the 1990s and started decreasing afterwards. The evolution of property offences can be related to the emergence of a large black market for stolen goods in Central and Eastern Europe at the beginning of the time series, while by the end of it that market was saturated and there had also been a reinforcement of police measures in the frontiers and of security measures in Western European households. The increase in drug offences is correlated to the rise of drug use in Europe shown by other indicators, and can be related to an increased availability of drugs in European markets. Finally, the upward trend in violent offences can be explained partially by gang struggles over the control of illegal markets and by the consolidation of problematic neighbourhoods, but seems also due to a large extent of increase in the reporting of violent offences by their victims and the recording of such offences by the police. The analysis shows that opportunity-based theories provide a satisfactory explanation of the trends in recorded crime, and that the crime opportunities are heavily influenced by socio-economical factors.Versions of this paper were presented at the 3rd Annual Conference of the European Society of Criminology (Helsinki, August 27–30, 2003) and at the Societies of Criminology 1st Key Issues Conference (Paris, May 13–15, 2004). The paper was written during a stay at the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law (Freiburg imBreisgau, Germany) made possible through the support of Swiss National Science Foundation 相似文献