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211.
试论西夏的立法   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
西夏法律制度是中华法系的有机组成部分。本文从西夏立法的发展阶段、立法指导思想、立法特点三个方面对西夏立法问题进行了较为详细的分析,指出了西夏法律制度建设的得与失。  相似文献   
212.
文章论述了彝族在历史发展过程中创造了丰富的民族传统文化,彝族传统文化是我国民族文化的重要组成部分。西部开发,给民族文化的传承带来了机遇和挑战,应该正确认识挑战,抓住机遇,很好地传承和创新民族传统文化。  相似文献   
213.
The September 2014 referendum is a milestone in Scotland’s history. After 307 years of union with England and a 15-year experience with devolution, Scottish nationalism is within reach of its ultimate goal. Independence would be consensual and Scotland and the rest of the UK would retain multiple links. The EU dimension looms large in the debate and is entangled with the UK’s own review of its membership. Scotland’s referendum is part of a wider trend seeing other ‘stateless nations’ in the democratic world pursuing independence. Even if opinion polls indicate voters will likely reject secession, Scotland’s experience holds important lessons for the wider world.  相似文献   
214.
We here present a study that arms the reader with various discussion points on the research and development (R&D) foreign direct investment (FDI) strategies of Chinese multinational corporations (MNCs) in Europe. Through archival research and interviews, we adopted a multi‐case study approach to investigate how significant are these investments and how relevant do they become for the local innovation systems. Our analysis shows that the establishment of R&D centers, and more importantly the evolution of these centers, does not coincide with what international business theories would have predicted. The Chinese MNCs considered entered Europe in a variety of forms, guided by various learning goals. However, we found evidence of the growing tendency of these companies to insulate themselves from local partners and to engage in less explorative and more exploitative R&D activity, adapting technologies developed elsewhere for the European market, gaining access to good indigenous labor and technologies rather than to local partnerships.  相似文献   
215.
This paper basically discusses the financial crisis that is taking place in Europe. There is a fear that this economic crisis will take hold of Europe if it is not controlled. Europe is one of the biggest economies of the world so almost all the countries over the globe are also having a threat of facing the financial crisis. This paper also looks for the opportunities that the Balkan countries will have due to this financial crisis in Europe. The fall in the economy of Europe has also affected the economic conditions of the countries of Balkan region especially Albania and the GDP values of these countries have decreased.  相似文献   
216.
近代东亚三国西学成因及其比较   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
李虎 《东北亚论坛》2007,16(1):120-127
对东西文化关系问题上的不同立场而衍生出来的近代文化融合体,亦称近代东亚三国西学。其主流文化融合体在中国表现为“中体西用”;而在朝鲜与日本分别表现为“东道西器”和“和魂洋才”。近代三国西学形成,虽说在形式上存在着诸多相似之处,但因三国社会历史条件等诸多因素的差异,使得近代东亚三国西学又在内容上呈现出很多不同的特点。这主要体现在三国近代形成的文化融合体中的西学份量及其对传统的反思。  相似文献   
217.
谌蓉 《贵州民族研究》2006,26(6):134-138
民族高等教育作为我国高等教育的重要组成部分,面临严峻的现实问题。西部开发战略的实施,又给民族高等教育带来了良好的发展机遇。民族高等教育为促进西部开发战略,必须坚持科学发展观,坚持多元化发展模式,坚持现代化与民族化相结合。  相似文献   
218.
西汉崇奢风尚日渐盛行,上流社会的腐化堕落引发了官僚贵族的贪贿狂潮。尽管统治者采取了一系列抑奢惩贪的反腐措施,但由于监察制度的缺陷、官吏立法不完善、皇权凌驾于法律之上等因素,贪贿之风仍屡禁不止,西汉王朝也因此一步步走向衰亡。  相似文献   
219.
许多独联体和中东欧地区国家转型后对农地所有制进行了变革,但并不彻底,还有一定规模的国有农地被保留。相应成立的土地基金等国有农地管理机构,通过出租、出售等经济手段对国有农地进行管理,目的是形成规模合理的农业生产单位,解决农业所有制转型后存在的土地碎片化和生产单位二元结构等问题,提高农业效率,促进农户生产和现代农业发展有机衔接。一些国有农地管理机构还担负着农村公共服务职能。本文的研究表明,通过农地所有权、承包权和经营权“三权分置”,确保租约稳定,完善配套的法律制度和土地交易制度,优化市场环境,对于提高国有农地的使用效率和增强土地利用的可持续性至关重要。  相似文献   
220.
Why is the populist radical left and right on the rise across western Europe? Integrating theories on changing socio-political conflict with arguments about crises of political representation, we contend that electoral support for radical right and radical left parties is rooted in two distinct sets of socio-structural factors, but their translation into electoral choice is in both cases conditioned by the individual political discontent that originates in specific political dynamics. Relying on the European Social Survey (ESS) covering the period from 2002 to 2016 and Parlgov data, we show that the lack of responsiveness of mainstream parties to the changing social conflict structure provides critical opportunities for new challengers from both the radical left and the radical right, while voters’ political discontent only works to heighten their success when these parties are in opposition. Our article contributes not only by offering an integrative account of the electoral appeal of the radical right and radical left parties. In emphasising the largely similar nature of short-term, political factors that condition the translation of the different sets of long-term, structural determinants into opting for these parties, critically, this article also contributes to understanding the electoral success of radical challengers across western Europe.  相似文献   
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