Latin American ‘free-trade unionism’ and the cold War: an analysis based on educational policies

The political education of workers and their leaders was viewed as a strategic concern in the cold war period’s bipolar world. This article discusses how this issue was dealt with by Latin American reformist trade unions grouped together in the Inter-American Regional Organization of Workers (ORIT, for its Spanish acronym), analyzing the educational policies promoted by its Inter-American Institute for Labor Studies (IIES), focusing specifically on its educational program for trade union instructors. We argue that the nature of the education provided changed, shifting from a rationale based on explicit ideological confrontation to a more focalized technical type of training. We claim that this shift started in the early 1960s, when the Alliance for Progress was launched.     

论《孙子兵法》英译的文化心理与文化逻辑

文化简化主义与语义的欺骗性对等是西方译者英译中华典籍时常犯的错误之一,其特征是译文与原文表面上语言意义一致,但实质上文化意义却大相径庭。就《孙子兵法》的英译而言,译者的选择体现了译者的文化心理,其又通过译者英译的文化表现体现出来。译者如缺乏文化逻辑意识,以自己的心理框架取代现实的语境,就会以自己认为合理的解释来取代源语文化之文化惯约。欲避免文化简化主义的发生,译者须加强自我自反性,厘清蕴含在文化表现系统中的文化逻辑,通过自反的方法达到差异比较与沟通理解之目的。     

Introduction: Kawabata Yasunari in the twenty-first century

Abstract: This introduction argues that there is a need to engage in a fresh re-reading of Kawabata Yasunari. It proposes several possible approaches, including using Kawabata as a model for understanding processes of literary canonization, a rethinking of his reception around the globe during the Cold War period, and a historicization of his work in relation to the various censorship regimes that existed in twentieth-century Japan. It also provides brief summaries of the articles contained in this special issue.     

Measuring Sexual Violence on Campus: Climate Surveys and Vulnerable Groups

ABSTRACT

Since the 2014 Not Alone report on campus sexual assault, the use of climate surveys to measure sexual violence on campuses across the United States has increased considerably. The current study utilizes a quasi meta-analysis approach to examine the utility of general campus climate surveys, which include a measure of sexual violence, in comparison to sexual assault specific climate surveys, in measuring student sexual assault experiences. Past research has highlighted the need to not only understand campus sexual assault prevalence rates for the general student population, but also the specific risk posed to more vulnerable populations such as the lesbian, gay, bisexual, questioning/queer community (LGBQ) and Native American students. Results indicate that general campus climate surveys may be underestimating both the sexual victimization of the general student body as well as that of LGBQ and Native American students. Research and policy recommendations that focus on improved measurement of campus sexual assault experiences are discussed.     

鸦片战争后福建海洋航运业的变化

鸦片战争后,西方航运业侵入福建,压倒了福建传统的航运业,不仅垄断了福建的远洋航运业,而且还控制了沿海航运。尽管旧式的帆船业出现了凋零,但是福建的海洋航运业并未因此消亡,新的民族轮船航运业应运而生,顽强地生存、发展。     

The scent of a green carnation: A review of the queer year

The “Blitz spirit” is a popular story about the British public during the Second World War, uniting together with defiance and resilience to overcome the threat of invasion from Nazi Germany. Previous work has revised this wartime story as a propagandistic construction of national identity and popular memory. Therefore, this paper reviews the Blitz spirit as a myth. A critical discourse analysis (CDA) then examines how this myth was retold in British newspapers after the July 7th bombings in London. I examine how this myth was constructed and the ideological role it played after the attacks. Similar to previous revisions of the Blitz myth from 1940, I argue that social and political complexities after July 7th were often suppressed by messages that sought to evoke a sense of “Britishness” defined by a previous generation. Whilst the July 7th bombings were not a case of traditional warfare or attacks carried out by a foreign force, I argue that wartime analogies often supported military responses in the war on terror and evoked a foreign threat.     

浅析明朝私人海上贸易与白银货币化之关系

明朝是中国历史上的重要发展阶段,在这个时期,中国社会面临着巨大的发展变迁。在明初,白银并不是合法的流通货币,但由于明朝社会内部的变动,特别是明朝在对外贸中长期保持顺差,在明朝中后期通过私人海上贸易使大量的白银流入中国,为白银的大量流通奠定了基础。白银货币化在长期的历史进程中自下而上再自上而下逐渐完成,而明朝的白银货币化猛烈刺激了中国的白银需求,进一步拉动了海外私人贸易的发展。私人海上贸易与白银货币化的双向互动,见证了明朝市场经济的发展与繁荣,并且成为了明朝与世界联系的纽带,使得明朝参与了世界贸易体系的初步架构,在世界贸易的整体化过程中扮演了举足轻重的作用。     

作为文化线路的“海上丝绸之路：泉州史迹”遗产保护研究

文化线路作为一种全新的遗产概念,为“海上丝绸之路：泉州史迹”遗产保护带来了新理念和重要的启示：“海上丝绸之路：泉州史迹”遗产保护应坚持“保护第一、合理开发”、树立“整体性”理念、唤醒公众参与意识、建构共生理念等原则.     

The Tragedy of Liberal Diplomacy: Democratization,Intervention, Statebuilding (Part II)

Abstract

The first part of this paper (in the previous issue) showed that the democracy promotion policies often perceived as characteristic of the New World Order are not so new. Rather, they were an integral part of the modernization theories and policies of the Cold War era. This second part of the paper shows that the democracy transition paradigm is based on precisely the same liberal assumptions as its predecessor and that, like the former, its theories and policies have widely been identified as failing. This failure leads to interventionist and statebuilding policies which in turn trigger resistances in target countries; a pattern already familiar from the Cold War period. We are confronted, thus, neither with a new world order nor with the end of history but rather with its repetition. And this repetitive cycle of counterproductive theories and policies, the paper concludes, will continue for as long as the liberal ideology underpinning it remains essentially unchallenged.     

A Review of: “Alison Pargeter. The New Frontiers of Jihad: Radical Islam in Europe.”

Recent years have witnessed a significant increase in the amount of counterterrorism legislation worldwide. The commonly held assumption behind the adoption of counterterrorism legislation links it to the terrorist threat in a state. However, little research has focused on empirically testing reasons driving states to legislate. This article addresses this void by analyzing the puzzle of why states choose to adopt new terrorism-specific legislation. The article presents empirical analysis of the probability of states to legislate before and after September 11, 2001, and is based on a new database of counterterrorism legislation. The findings reveal that before September 11, state decisions to adopt new legislation correlated with the number of terrorist organizations operating in their territory. Since September 11, however, the most significant predictors for the adoption of new legislation have become the existence of previous counterterrorism legislation and the participation of a state in the War on Terror.