试论美国对苏维埃俄国的武装干涉

十月革命胜利后，美国参与了协约国对苏维埃俄国的武装干涉，并试图借此机会推翻苏维埃政权。由于美国的干涉遭到国内外民众的反对；参与干涉的各国，特剐是美日存在明显的矛盾；俄国反布尔什维克派别自身的腐败；俄国广大民众的英勇抵抗等因素，美国和协约国的武装干涉最终以失败告终。     

The power of proximity: A concept of political party strategies applied to Burkina Faso

Recent publications suggest that exclusively ethno-regional parties are as rare in sub-Saharan Africa as elsewhere. At the same time, the idea that ethnicity is a very special feature of African party politics persists. This article acknowledges the general relevance of ethnicity in party competition but emphasises the level at which it becomes important. It develops a micro-behavioural approach that pays particular attention to the strategic choices of party elites in order to supplement the dominant structuralist thinking in party research on Africa. An in-depth evaluation of detailed election data from Burkina Faso shows strategies that rely on personal proximity between the voter and the candidates influence the parties' success to a great extent. Parties maximise their chances of winning seats if they concentrate their limited resources on the home localities of leading party members. Hence, African party politics are less dependent on ethnic demography than is often implied but more open to change through elite behaviour.     

Re‐articulating Identity: The Shifting Landscape of Indigenous Politics and Power on the Ecuadorian Coast

The Levantamiento Indígena of 1990 was a defining moment in the advancement of indigenous politics in Ecuador. Following the uprising of 1990, scholars have paid close attention to the politics of identity and indigenous representation in Ecuador with the main focus being placed on the highland and Amazonian regions of the country. Based on fieldwork conducted in Ecuador's Manabí province, this article provides preliminary insight into the growth of an indigenous discourse on the Ecuadorian coast. I focus on the process of re‐indigenisation in the coastal community of Macaboa. This research is significant because while a great deal of scholarly attention has been paid to indigenous movements in Ecuador's highland and Amazonian regions, indigenous politics on the coast have gone largely unnoticed. The case outlined in this article is emblematic of the shifting nature of identity and the way in which ethnic discourses are increasingly being adopted by marginalised groups in their attempts to negotiate with the state.     

美国惩治国际恐怖分子的法律选择问题

美国十多年来的反恐战略、手段与措施较此前是极大的挑战,甚至突破了既有国际政治框架和国际法律秩序所能够容忍的限度。美国政府扩张武装冲突的外延、新设全球反恐战争概念、避开平时刑法试图选择适用武装冲突法以获得更多的战时特权,其目的是为定点清除找到正当根据,为反恐措施披上合法外衣。但是,选择适用武装冲突法,进而采取军事手段“以暴制暴”,无助于最恰当和最有效地惩治国际恐怖分子。美国政府在巩固既有反恐成果的同时,应当积极反思其错误适用反恐法律所导致的消极后果,以确保其惩治国际恐怖分子法律选择的恰当性与有效性。     

美英军事打击伊拉克的国际法分析

美英绕开联合国单方面对伊拉克实施军事打击,是对伊拉克主权、独立和领土完整的严重侵犯,是违背联合国宪章和国际法准则的行为。伊拉克战争不仅使伊拉克人民再次蒙受战争带来的损害,而且会给整个中东地区乃至世界和平带来许多不稳定的因素,从而将深刻地影响到今后的世界格局。     

The origins of APRA in Cajamarca, 1928–1935⋆

From its foundation in 1930 until the late 1980s, the Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (APRA) comprised the largest and best organised political party in Peru, but surprisingly few studies exist on how the organisation was established and built up a mass following at the provincial level. This article examines the birth of APRA in the Andean department of Cajamarca. It highlights the support the organisation obtained among key middle–class groups (i.e. lawyers, schoolteachers, cattle dealers, etc.), and the links they forged with the rural and urban poor. APRA's efforts to mobilise “new” social actors, such as women and students, are also described.     

中国警察使用徒手与警械武力的合法性

中国警察武力分为徒手武力、警械武力、武器武力和其他武力四个类别.每一类武力都有其使用合法性的规定.这些规定存在于中国人民警察法、人民武装警察法、监狱法、人民警察使用警械和武器条例、看守所条例和公安民警制止违法犯罪行为操作规程、海关工作人员使用武器和警械的规定、劳动教养管理工作执法细则等部门规章中.其中,既有使用警械武力、武器武力规定,又有使用徒手武力规定,且内容较为详细的是公安民警制止违法犯罪行为操作规程.     

Bringing politics back in: the introduction of the ‘performative power’ of counterterrorism

While it is sensible that governments and academics endeavour to assess the effectiveness of counterterrorism policies, this article argues that it is almost impossible to measure arithmetically the outcome of counterterrorism efforts for a variety of reasons. However, this does not mean that the effect of governmental policy cannot and should not be assessed. This article argues that it is not necessarily the policy measures and their intended results as such, but much more the way in which they are presented and perceived, that determine the overall effect of the policy in question. The article introduces the concept of ‘performativity’, which involves the extent to which a national government, by means of its official counterterrorism policy and corresponding discourse, is successful in selling its representation of events, its set of solutions to the terrorist problem, as well as being able to set the tone for the overall discourse on terrorism and counterterrorism. Due to the distinct relation between the performative power of counterterrorism efforts and the arc of violence carried out by terrorist movements, analysing the level of performativity will provide an indication to the effectiveness of counterterrorism policies. It is argued that a low level of performative power generally has a more rapidly neutralising effect on radicalisation and political violence than large-scale, public counterterrorism efforts.     

法治思维视域下的武警法律战

武警部队开展法律战是党中央、中央军委着眼推进中国特色军事变革提出的战略性思想,是发挥政治工作作战功能的重要途径,是军事行动中的重要组成部分,是武警部队遂行任务不可缺少的战斗武器。要实现武警法律战研究健康发展,在部队遂行任务中成功运用,武警法律战应更多地从法治思维视角进行规范、统筹。