首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   151篇
  免费   5篇
各国政治   27篇
工人农民   2篇
世界政治   16篇
外交国际关系   40篇
法律   24篇
中国共产党   2篇
中国政治   6篇
政治理论   20篇
综合类   19篇
  2023年   3篇
  2021年   2篇
  2020年   9篇
  2019年   5篇
  2018年   7篇
  2017年   17篇
  2016年   8篇
  2015年   7篇
  2014年   10篇
  2013年   38篇
  2012年   8篇
  2011年   3篇
  2010年   9篇
  2009年   4篇
  2008年   9篇
  2007年   4篇
  2006年   3篇
  2004年   2篇
  2003年   2篇
  2001年   3篇
  2000年   3篇
排序方式: 共有156条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
21.
Abstract

This article traces Rwanda’s history under German and Belgian colonialism, through independence and genocide to international respectability and membership of the Commonwealth. It examines Rwanda’s impressive contributions to United Nations and African Union peacekeeping forces. There is no single explanation for the magnitude of Rwanda’s contribution. It owes something to Rwanda’s commitment to ‘African solutions for African problems’. Deployment is relatively cheap and allows Rwanda to use its participation for political leverage in international affairs, to attract donors and to benefit financially. Peacekeeping is a factor in the astute foreign policy of Paul Kagame’s government that enhances its authority and stability at home and its prestige abroad.  相似文献   
22.
The legality of autonomous weapon systems (AWS) under international law is a swiftly growing issue of importance as technology advances and machines acquire the capacity to operate without human control. This paper argues that the existing laws are ineffective and that a different set of laws are needed. This paper examines several issues that are critical for the development and use of AWS in warfare. It argues that a preemptive ban on AWS is irrelevant at this point and urges the appropriate authorities to develop a modern legal framework that is tailored to embrace these state-of-the-art weapons as the Law of Armed Conflict (LOAC) develops. First, this paper explores the myriad of laws designed to govern the potential future development and deployment of artificial intelligence and AWS in the context of International Humanitarian Law or LAOC. Second, the paper argues that it will be challenging for AWS to fulfill the requirements laid out under the International Committee of the Red Cross and LOAC for the rules of humanity, military necessity, distinction, proportionality and precaution, especially as it is related to noncombatants. Third, the paper discusses command responsibility and argues that states should establish accountability for wrongful acts committed by the AWS. Finally, this paper contends that there is an urgent need for a new legal framework to regulate these AWS and presents different solutions for the legal framework of AWS.  相似文献   
23.
《国际相互影响》2012,38(2):243-266
Is peace more likely to prevail when the peace accord includes civil society actors such as religious groups, women's organizations, and human rights groups? This is the first statistical study that explores this issue. The article develops key claims in previous research regarding the role of civil society actors and durable peace, and proposes a set of hypotheses that focus on legitimacy in this process. The hypotheses are examined by employing unique data on the inclusion of civil society actors in all peace agreements in the post–Cold War period. The statistical analysis shows that inclusion of civil society actors in the peace settlement increases the durability of peace. The results further demonstrate that peace accords with involvement from civil society actors and political parties in combination are more likely to see peace prevail. The findings also suggest that inclusion of civil society has a particularly profound effect on the prospects for overall peace in nondemocratic societies.  相似文献   
24.
井冈山革命根据地,是毛泽东率领湘赣边界秋收起义军创建的中国第一块农村革命根据地,井冈山根据地创造性地提出和总结的丰富斗争经验具有普遍指导意义,得到中共中央的充分肯定和积极推广,井冈山革命根据地的星火在中国大地上迅速形成了燎原之势,“工农武装割据”的局面不断巩固扩大,以农村包围城市的武装革命道路胜利实现。  相似文献   
25.
The post World War II world has witnessed a proliferation of conflicts based on ethnic differences. Religion and national identity are two dominant features of many of these ethnic struggles. The purpose of this study is to determine which of the two has a greater impact on protest and rebellion using large-n methodology, employing variables from the Minorities at Risk Phase 3 dataset as well as data collected independently. It was found that the simple answer is that nationalism has a greater impact on conflict than does religion. However, this simple answer is not an accurate answer. This is because the simple answer that nationalism has a greater influence is to a great extent due to the fact that the majority of ethnic conflicts are between groups that are not religiously different. If one looks only at those ethnic conflicts where religion can potentially be a factor, religious and national issues are involved in ethnic conflicts approximately as often. Also, while religious issues alone seem to have less of an influence on ethnic conflict than national issues, religious issues have a strong influence on the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict, to the extent that the relationship between nationalism and ethnic conflict can not be fully understood without accounting for the influence of religion.  相似文献   
26.
In its earlier years Israel was spared the impact of religious radicalism. In the last two decades, however, religious doctrines have begun to claim a role in foreign policy, culminating in the 4 November 1995 assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. The primary aim of this study is to explore the systemic political processes and contextual factors that in the past have subdued national religious radicalism in Israel. The general argument of this essay is that the tradition of political accommodation with the religious parties fostered their participation in government coalitions, and by doing so, mobilized a large portion of the religious sector to support the state. Equally important in suppressing religious radicalism in Israel were the two main doctrines of religious Zionism, the instrumental and the redemptionist, which applauded cooperation with secular Zionism and the state, hence enabling political accommodation and avoiding a comprehensive violent confrontation. The absence of a religious party in the Rabin government brought the country's political discourse to an unprecedented level of intensity, strengthening a new blend of religious nationalism that posed a potential for deligitimization of the state.  相似文献   
27.
This paper probes the dichotomy between strategic performance of cultural text and a strong approach to culture that sees fundamental texts as encompassing and determining social action. The central question posed is whether the paradigmatic emphasis on strategy in cultural analysis of protest and social movements misses the compelling influences that cultural texts may exert under certain conditions. Regarding protest movements and political contention, I am especially interested in the ‘deep textual grammar’ of the conflict, which can strongly constrain and guide social action. By identifying and analysing the deep cultural text of the Chechen nationalist movement for the period 1989–1999, this study shows that, in addition to strategic decisions, movement trajectories are sometimes strongly – almost ritualistically – culturally determined. As a first step towards reconceptualising the role of culture in social movements and to spur further investigation, this paper offers several propositions derived from the Chechen case about the relationship of deep culture and mobilisation.  相似文献   
28.
边境民族地区群体性械斗事件原因复杂,械斗双方法律意识淡薄,械斗后果严重,后期容易反弹。公安边防部队应快速机动,运用防暴战术,坚决果断处置,尽量减少伤亡。处置结束后,要积极协助地方政府做好善后工作,防止反弹,妥善处理该类事件,维护边境地区的安全稳定和民族团结。  相似文献   
29.
Civil society is generally seen as an important actor in peace processes. But when it comes to reaching an agreement during peace negotiations, much of the current debate is centered on the question of including or excluding civil society. Although most researchers argue that civil society participation makes the process more sustainable and democratic, most practitioners emphasize that enhanced civil society participation makes it more difficult to reach a peace agreement. I argue that practitioners and theorists must both move beyond this dichotomy and, instead, focus on the variety of ways in which civil society actors can be included in a given negotiation process. To this end, I present in this article a comprehensive overview of nine models of inclusion, from most to least direct involvement of civil society, supported by illustrative case studies. Analysis of these models suggests that it will be possible to broaden the participation of civil society in peace negotiations without decreasing the negotiations' effectiveness.  相似文献   
30.
武警部队是国家武装力量的组成部分,必须践行为人民服务的宗旨。武警部队担负着国家赋予的安全保卫以及防卫作战、抢险救灾、参加国家经济建设等任务。武装警察依法履行法定义务,享有法定权利,其职权具有自身的特点和要求,在执法中与公安警察既有配合也有分工。  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号