冷战后中国—东盟关系的英国学派分析

本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。     

区际民事案件移送制度初探

区际民事案件移送制度的作用主要是为了节约司法资源、减低司法成本、提高司法效率、保证司法公正、缓和区际管辖权冲突、避免当事人挑选法院、保护当事人合法的诉讼权益和促进区际司法协助等。美国和澳大利亚区际民事案件移送制度的立法与实践对我国具有一定的借鉴意义。     

论证券投资基金的法律地位

正确认识证券投资基金的法律地位是进行证券投资基金立法和理论研究的基础。笔者在找出我国理论界对证券投资基金性质及法律地位认识分歧的根源之后,简要论述了公司型基金的法律主体地位,并从投资基金的社会主体性和法律主体性两个层次、事实判断和价值判断两个方面,详细论证了信托型基金的法律地位,指出我国的投资基金立法应从主体角度对信托型基金进行规范,同时希望立法大胆创新,把信托型基金列为与自然人、法人具有平等地位的第三民事主体。     

DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN SAME‐GENDER RELATIONSHIPS

Physical violence occurs in 11–12% of same‐gender couples, which suggests that domestic violence is an abuse of power that can happen in any type of intimate relationship, regardless of gender or sexual orientation. Although incidents of violence occur at the same rate in same‐gender couples and cross‐gender couples, the violence appears to be milder in same‐gender couples and it is unclear what percentage of same‐gender violence should be characterized as abuse or intimate terrorism. Same‐gender victims also suffer from the additional stress of severe isolation and the abuser's threats to expose the victim's sexual orientation in a hostile manner.     

论民事抗诉审查的中心

对法院原审裁判和案卷进行审查是检察机关民事抗诉审查的中心,这是有其法理学基础的,也是解决目前抗诉审查中各种难题的最有效手段。在实践中,其具体体现为:以书面审查原审裁判和案卷为基础,审查依案卷中的材料可否得出裁判的结论,并以此决定对当事人提供证据材料的审查,决定是否自行调查,最终决定是否抗诉。对此,立法上应明确赋予检察机关调卷权,以保证抗诉监督目的的实现。     

法国公务员行政赔偿责任制度评介

公务员行政赔偿责任涉及到行政相对人、公务员和行政主体三方的关系,是国家赔偿制度的重要组成部分,法国公务员行政赔偿责任制度历经发展,形成了以"个人过错"为核心的、允许行政相对人直接向公务员求偿的行政赔偿责任制度,并通过一系列判例确认了各项具体制度,易于操作,达到了合法性与效率之间的理性与平衡.     

民事诉讼是否可以附带行政诉讼

在行政争议与民事争议交错发生、民事争议与具体行政行为关联的情况下,争议的当事人可以有不同的诉讼选择,但诉讼的最终目的都是为了确定民事权利。建立民事诉讼附带行政诉讼制度有其充分的必要性与合理性。民事诉讼附带行政诉讼可以扩大审判权对行政权的制约监督范围,有利于提高司法效率、维护司法统一,充分保障公民、法人或其它组织的合法权益。     

Disciplining Society through the City: The Genesis of City Planning in Brazil and Argentina (1894–1945)

This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.