Partisan players: sport,working-class culture,and the labour movement in South Wales 1920–1939

This article argues against the prevalent notion that sport was insignificant to inter-war Welsh labour by showing that it was in fact a ‘vital area of interest’ for local activists associated with leftist organisations. In South Wales, numerous sporting opportunities provided by the local labour movement were taken up with notable enthusiasm by local workers. It is demonstrated that this represented a ‘vibrant attempt to forge a coherent alternative to mainstream sporting activity by fusing it with political allegiance’ and that sport became ‘an articulation of working class self-awareness … [and] a mechanism through which working class desires and visions could be expressed’.     

Look for the Blind Spot where Structural Realism Meets Pluralistic Stagnation

The predominant traditions in international relations and comparative political economy both failed to anticipate the end of the cold war. The explanation is not that these traditions are flawed; rather it is that they developed in response to different kinds of questions. Structural realism explains the distribution of power in the international system, not the attitudes or expectations of domestic elites. Meanwhile institutionalist traditions at the domestic level focus on explaining stability, persistence or path-dependence and not sudden or sweeping change. Given their focus, these different traditions built on assumptions that were ill-suited to explain the end of communism. They are better suited, however, to explaining what happened to the countries of Central and Eastern Europe once communism fell.     

从追随民主主义到崇尚共产主义——宋庆龄的思想轨迹探析

宋庆龄为中国人民革命和建设事业做出的不可磨灭的贡献及其特殊的身份和地位,使之成为中国现代史和中共党史研究中必不可少的人物。邓颖超在回忆文章中说:"宋庆龄这个名字象征着自辛亥革命以来,七十年革命的历程。"邓小平在悼词中评价她:"尤其难能可贵的是她紧跟历史的脚步不断前进,从伟大的革命民主主义者成为伟大的共产主义者。"志先生之志,行先生之行是实现转变的前提;这一转变是她始终跟随历史的脚步不断前进的时代感和进步性使然,是理性的选择。     

Labour protest in China’s private sector: responses to Chinese communism with capitalist characteristics

Abstract

Building on existing studies of worker activism in formerly communist states, this paper examines the context, nature and consequences of labour protest in China’s private sector – highlighting the specific features that have emerged from China’s unique ‘communist’ political regime and partially privatized economy. As private enterprises have grown in China, private sector worker protests have been common. Three key factors have shaped this activism: (i) a disjuncture between benevolent and protective national laws and the lived experience of workers; (ii) fluctuations in the labour market; and (iii) generational shifts and learning among workers, employers and political authorities. The interplay of these factors has led protesting private sector workers to focus their ire on their employers and on occasion local political authorities, while viewing national political leaders as sources of worker support. These dynamics have had both positive and negative consequences for private sector workers and political authorities. Making comparisons with other authoritarian and communist states, this study adds to current understandings of how specific economic and political configurations engender particular characteristics of labour activism – and how these change over time.     

The death of ‘Socialism with a Latvian Face’: The purge of the Latvian national communists,July 1959–1962

The purge of the Latvian national communists was the most extensive of the Khrushchev era. This article offers the first comprehensive examination of the purge, based on research in Russian and Latvian archives, and utilizing recently released Communist Party personal files. Previous works rarely proceed beyond the beginning of the purge in July 1959 or provide only a cursory overview. This article, however, identifies patterns in the purge with a comprehensive analysis. The methodology of Arvīds Pel?e, the purge’s architect, is explored, exposing the purge’s six distinct phases, which ousted the national communists and defined Latvian politics for a quarter-century.     

Teacher Unions conflict in New York City, 1935–1960

Abstract

While studies of the New York City Teachers Union (TU) generally attribute its eventual demise to the Red Scares of the 1940s and 1950s, this article situates the TU in the history of New York City teachers’ associations more generally. It argues that the Union’s fate was a consequence not simply of anticommunism, but of competition between the Union and other city teachers’ associations. In particular, the Teachers Guild fought with the Union for the mantle of teacher radicalism. While the two organizations fought for some of the same issues, the liberal Guild was accommodating to the government, while the radical Union was confrontational. When it came to the Union’s ideology, however, the Guild consistently sacrificed its commitment to academic freedom by collaborating with public authorities to reveal the extent of the Union’s Communist commitments. Using archival data – private correspondence of teacher unionists, minutes of Union meetings, and articles from the teachers’ unions’ official periodicals – this article documents the Guild’s efforts at subverting the Union, particularly at moments when the Union’s political commitments became salient in public affairs.     

共产主义是人类追求的最高目标--对马克思主义自由观的理解与探讨

马克思主义自由观有着极其深刻的内容,它具体包括生产解放、社会解放、思想解放三个层面和人类的解放--共产主义社会这样一个统一的外在表现.如此理解这个问题有其深刻的理论基础和严密的逻辑推理.     

The annulled Tax state: Schumpeterian Prolegomena to the study of postcommunist fiscal sociology

How was a new infrastructure of revenue-collection instituted after the collapse of Soviet-type regimes in Eastern Europe? This article suggests that currently available answers to this question are unsatisfactory. Building upon insights derived from the literature on fiscal sociology and from Joseph Schumpeter’s analysis of modern “tax states,” it outlines a new approach to the study of various phenomena related to revenue-collection in postcommunism. More specifically, I examine a set of empirical and theoretical issues related to the reemergence of a taxpayer as having a cultural role, the reconfiguration of the bureaucratic apparatuses bequeathed by the old regime, and the recreation of trustworthy national currencies. Having identified important gaps in our understanding of the transformative processes that engulfed the region after 1989, the paper introduces a more comprehensive research program focused on the context-specific challenges inherent in the attempt to re-establish tax states in the formerly communist countries.     

论保持党的思想纯洁性

党的纯洁性体现在党的思想、政治、组织、作风等各个方面,其中思想纯洁性起着主导和统摄的作用,从根本上决定了党的纯洁性。保持党的思想纯洁性,从理论、历史与现实的结合上看,最重要的是坚持政治信仰的共产主义一元论和指导思想的马克思主义一元论,不搞多元化。对于那种宣称恩格斯晚年否定共产主义理论体系而信奉民主社会主义,要求改变中国共产党的政治信仰和指导思想的谬论,必须予以回应和批驳。     

Democratization in clan-based societies: explaining the Mongolian anomaly

Mongolia is a long-standing democratic anomaly – a democracy in a clan-based society – that is rarely discussed in research. This article addresses the question, why did Mongolia and the Central Asian countries embark upon markedly different regime trajectories following 70 years of Soviet rule? I argue that the prospects of democracy were shaped by a complex relationship between clan-based traditional authority structures, social relations based on nomadism and the style of Soviet rule. In Mongolia, Soviet authorities carefully enforced collectivization across kin groups and provided all necessary public goods to citizens, effectively dismantling clan-based authority structures. This process unintendedly fortified nomadic social relations that enabled re-emergent elements of opposition and forces in civil society to fill the void of authority generated by the Soviet collapse and to use this counterweight to state power to push for competitive politics. In contrast, the Soviet authorities’ “divide and rule” with clans in Kyrgyzstan reproduced clans that easily took on a dominant role on the eve of the Soviet breakdown and filled the void of authority by placing themselves at the apex of political power providing welfare services and political order. This placed Kyrgyzstan on the path to a post-communist non-democracy.