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41.
从文化价值观透视美国的对外政策传统   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
文化价值观作为观念性的东西 ,其深刻内涵主要反映在心理—价值层面。美国的文化价值观主要有上帝选择的“使命观”和美国心理的偏执狂心态。在此基础上形成了其孤立主义和扩张主义、理想主义和现实主义、反共主义等外交政策传统。美国对外政策的每一步变化均未摆脱其文化价值观的束缚和制约。全面和深刻地认识美国的文化价值观对研究其外交政策具有重要意义  相似文献   
42.
《巴黎手稿》,即《1884年经济学哲学手稿》是马克思哲学的发源地,它所确立的哲学逻辑框架和哲学理念为马克思后来的各种理论思想的发展打下了基础。这也为我们理解马克思主义哲学的本色(即本质、宗旨和方法论功能)提供了具有本原意义的文本依据  相似文献   
43.
This article examines possible reasons for the dramatic rise in Chinese juvenile delinquency rates that have occurred since the start of economic reform. The article focuses on the degree to which relatively recent modifications in the ideology and practice of Chinese communism have engendered new social pressures and strains on young people. Delinquents’ social values are compared with those of non-delinquent youth, drawing heavily from data collected in a longitudinal birth cohort study. The dataset is assessed for evidence of subterranean values; i.e., subculture-based reflections of principles found within the dominant political culture; based on the theory that youthful deviance and delinquency in China are fueled primarily by the relatively rapid diffusion of often-contradictory market-based precepts. The lingering impact of Maoism is also assessed, particularly with regard to incongruous ideological influences on youth.
David DrisselEmail:
  相似文献   
44.
The purpose of this article is to clarify the relationship between forms of political legitimacy employed by communist regimes in East and Central Europe and subsequent models of revolutionary change in 1989. The conceptual basis of the analysis lies in Max Weber's theoretical framework of legitimacy. The four cases selected for comparison are Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland and Romania. The attempts of de-Stalinization and reformation of these party-state regimes through the introduction of paternalistic and also more goal-oriented measures could not prevent their disintegration in the 1980s and their subsequent collapse in 1989. But, I argue, it was the withdrawal of ideological support by elites that ultimately brought communism to an end. The differences in revolutionary scenarios and transitions to democracy in the four cases indicate the importance of a shift in both rulers and masses towards interest in dialogue and compromise. Hungary and Poland represent the clearest scenarios in which communist parties acted as agents of regime change in a rational-legal direction. The Bulgarian case stands as an intermediary case between these two and Romania. Finally, Romania represents an extreme case of violent revolution and the overthrow of a traditionalist and sultanistic regime and illustrates the difficulties following a complete collapse of political authority.  相似文献   
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