海洋命运共同体思想的内涵和实践路径

海洋命运共同体思想是人类命运共同体思想在海洋领域的细化,反映了国际海洋法的发展趋势和价值目标。它创造性的继承并发展了和而不同思想以及共同体思想,为全球海洋治理提供了新的价值指引。海洋命运共同体是共同体成员基于海洋共识和共同的海洋利益产生认同感和归属感,通过在海洋领域的共同合作形成的联合体,包括海洋政治、安全、经济、文化和生态命运共同体。中国在区域可以通过实施多边海洋行动,构建区域海洋命运共同体,实现区域合作关系的升级。海洋命运共同体是超越民族和国家的海洋观,中国在全球可以通过构建海上丝路命运共同体、提升国际制度性话语权和形成国际海洋法律新制度来践行海洋命运共同体思想。     

乡村基层执法的空间制约与机制再造

中国的基层执法深受政治体制和社会生态的影响和塑造,“治理空间”可以同时容纳这两种因素,是理解中国基层执法的新视角。乡村治理空间为基层执法提供具体场景,其“拥挤社会”特性和“权力分散”特性,严重制约着基层执法能力。空间区域化机制通过建立综合治理(执法)体系,实现了执法机构的统合和区域化;通过将村级组织、村干部、网格员等纳入执法体系,实现了执法空间的分界和局部化;通过对时间和资源进行情境化配置,实现了时空分区。区域化机制重构着乡村治理空间,回应了基层执法权薄弱和执法能力不足的问题,通过再造基层执法,提高了基层执法效度。     

基层自治制度的理论阐述与路径选择

健全充满活力的基层群众自治制度,着力推进基层直接民主制度化、规范化、程序化是党的十九届四中全会决定的要求。通过开展基层社会治理体系和治理能力现代化研究,探索建立"自治、法治、德治"相结合的现代基层治理体系,加快形成共建共治共享的现代基层社会治理新格局。面对地方治理需求侧(社会公民的期望)与地方治理供给侧(地方政府能力)之间的落差,应摒弃地方政府与基层组织二元对立模式,建立全新的"分权、互动"基层自治的理论分析框架,将多元主体纳入地方治理体系来共同履行公共职责。通过借鉴国外的经验并经过创造性转化,为基层自治提供包括培养自治能力、培育自治组织、强化城乡社区自治协商、衔接居民自治与村民自治在内的充分而有效的制度供给。     

乡村振兴制度建设的内涵及路径探讨

乡村振兴要以制度建设为基础,以完善农地"三权分置"制度为契机,以城乡融合体制机制创新为支撑,以"活业、活人、活村"为路径。土地制度是实现乡村振兴的根本制度,三权分置是搞活乡村经济的制度设计,乡村治理是实现乡村振兴战略的总抓手。乡村振兴制度建设存在的主要问题是:"城乡二元结构"是农民获取城市权利的障碍,土地"二元制度"是导致乡村失去发展权的根源,农村"宅基地制度"是制约农民发展权的瓶颈。乡村振兴制度建设的基本路径是:为乡村振兴建设提供规划安排,为乡村振兴用地提供制度支撑,为乡村振兴资金提供政府投入保障,为乡村振兴社会稳定提供安全秩序。     

社会治理视角下的彝族教育经典《玛牧特依》

彝族著名教育经典《玛牧特依》,蕴涵着丰富的道德教育智慧,基于推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化背景下,运用社会治理理论,从《玛牧特依》的凝聚力、向心力、约束力、吸引力和影响力五个维度切入,挖掘出《玛牧特依》的五个核心思想,即教育、廉耻、礼仪、仁善、慎独。其中,教育是《玛牧特依》的主旨和出发点,廉耻是《玛牧特依》的精髓和道德底线,礼仪是《玛牧特依》的大德和最高法律准则,仁善是《玛牧特依》的核心和道德宗旨,慎独是《玛牧特依》的落脚点和最高道德境界。《玛牧特依》在调节人与自然、人与人、人与社会之间的关系中发挥着积极作用,为彝区创新社会治理模式提供了一种新思路,应该凝聚《玛牧特依》文化力量,协同发展,多元共治。     

Community forestry,labor migration and agrarian change in a Nepali village: 1980 to 2010

This paper follows forest conditions, agricultural practices, and livelihoods in a Nepali village between 1980 and 2010. A survey was administered to all village households in 1980, 1990 and 2010; semi-structured interviews were also conducted. Tree species frequency, density and dominance were determined for eight forest patches during each survey. Over this period the population of the village remained stable; the number of children decreased, and the number of people over 50 increased. Famers keep significantly fewer livestock, and have become less dependent on farming and more engaged in commercial activities. In 1980 the number of out-migrants was so few that they were not recorded; by 2010, 29 percent of the adult male population was engaged in migration. Nepal initiated an acclaimed Community Forestry program in the early 1990s; by 2010 about half the village’s forests showed improved tree density and size. Contrary to expectations and published literature, the study found that forest conditions in half of the village’s forests were not improved; and while livelihoods appeared to be better in 2010 than in 1980, they are not more secure as they are increasingly dependent on remittance incomes and hence at the whims of the international labor market.     

Roads of change: political transition and state formation in Nepal’s agrarian districts

This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy.     

Governing sustainable palm oil supply: Disconnects,complementarities, and antagonisms between state regulations and private standards

The global palm oil value chain has grown in complexity; stakeholder relationships and linkages are increasingly shaped by new public and private standards that aim to ameliorate social and environmental costs while harnessing economic gains. Regulatory initiatives in the emerging policy regime complex struggle to resolve sector‐wide structural performance issues: pervasive land conflicts, yield differences between companies and smallholders, and carbon emissions arising from deforestation and peatland conversion. Identifying opportunities for more effective governance of the palm oil value chain and supply landscapes, this paper explores disconnects, complementarities, and antagonisms between public regulations and private standards, looking at the global, national, and subnational policy domains shaping chain actors’ conduct. Greater complementarities have emerged among transnational instruments, but state regulation disconnects persist and antagonisms prevail between national state regulations and transnational private standards. Emerging experimental approaches, particularly at subnational level, aim to improve coordination to both enhance complementarities and resolve disconnects.     

Linking democratic anchorage and regulatory authority: The case of internet regulators

Scholars and practitioners have repeatedly questioned the democraticness and the authority of transnational multi‐stakeholder organizations, especially those that regulate the internet. To contribute to this discussion, we studied the “democratic anchorages” and the regulatory authority of 23 internet regulators. In particular, we conducted a fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis assessing whether and which anchorages correspond to necessary and/or sufficient conditions for exerting regulatory authority. Our results show that strong anchorage in democratic procedures is specifically relevant for this outcome. Further, we find that weak anchorage in democratically elected politicians leads to high regulatory authority, confirming the significance of non‐state actors in this policy field. More generally, our findings support but also qualify expectations about the compatibility and mutual reinforcement of democratic quality and regulatory authority at the transnational level.