Is democracy the only game in town? Tension between immigrants' democratic desires and authoritarian imprints

This article borrows from the literature on transitional democracies to examine levels of support for democracy and non-democratic alternatives among immigrants travelling from partly and non-democratic countries to Canada. It evaluates how immigrants who grew up under authoritarian rule come to adapt to democracy. The findings indicate that immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries experience tensions in their adaptation to democracy, expressing strong democratic desires but also manifesting what could be interpreted as lasting imprints of their socialization under authoritarian rule. Immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries exhibit strong support for democracy (they almost all believe it is a good form of government, the best one, and understand democracy in broadly similar terms as the rest of the population). Yet, if democracy is the main game in town for the immigrants, it is not the only one; immigrants from partly and non-democratic countries are significantly more likely than people socialized in a democratic political system to support other forms of governments that are non-democratic. The article thus argues for the lasting impact of authoritarianism on people's democratic outlooks despite the presence of strong democratic desires.     

Iranian student activism between authoritarianism and democratization: patterns of conflict and cooperation between the Office for the Strengthening of Unity and the regime

This article examines the role of student activism in enhancing or weakening democratization in authoritarian contexts, focusing on the case of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It contends that while numerous studies indicate that student activism has been crucial in processes of regime change, insufficient attention has been paid to the circumstances under which it contributes to strengthening authoritarian rule. The case of Iran demonstrates that there are two different ways in which this occurs. First, much like many other civil society actors, student activism can be co-opted and at times willingly so because of a coincidence of material and/or ideological interests. Second, even when student activism genuinely pushes for democratization and becomes independent and autonomous from political power, the authoritarian constraints in place can contribute to marginalize it and defeat it. The Iranian case highlights the problems student activism faces when it attempts to disengage from the dominant structures of authoritarian politics, and in line with Jamal's findings, demonstrates how authoritarian structural constraints can undermine the democratic aspirations of well-organised groups.     

Justifying violence: legitimacy,ideology and public support for police use of force

Under what conditions do people support police use of force? In this paper we assess some of the empirical links between police legitimacy, political ideology (right-wing authoritarianism and social dominance orientation), and support for ‘reasonable’ use of force (e.g. an officer striking a citizen in self-defence) and ‘excessive’ use of force (e.g. an officer using violence to arrest an unarmed person who is not offering violent resistance). Analysing data from an online survey with US participants (n?=?186) we find that legitimacy is a positive predictor of reasonable but not excessive police use of force, and that political ideology predicts support for excessive but not reasonable use of force. We conclude with the idea that legitimacy places normative constraints around police power. On the one hand, legitimacy is associated with increased support for the use of force, but only when violence is bounded within certain acceptable limits. On the other hand, excessive use of force seems to require an extra-legal justification that is – at least in our analysis – partly ideological. Our findings open up a new direction of research in what is currently a rather sparse psychological literature on the ability of legitimacy to ‘tame’ coercive power.     

从《反垄断法》的颁布看市场竞争机制的法律构建

在市场经济条件下,企业要真正地开展市场竞争,必须创造一个良好的市场竞争环境。《反垄断法》的颁布实施可以说为建设一个公平竞争的市场环境,在立法上已迈出了最重要一步。但从实际的情况来看,要真正构建一个公平竞争的市场环境,仍然任重而道远。     

竞争法与消费者权益保护刍议

我国竞争法主要分为反不正当竞争法和反垄断法两大类,它们承担着对消费者进行保护和对企业社会责任进行规制的双重任务。由于存在某些漏洞,今后还需对我国竞争法再作进一步的完善。     

竞技体育暴力行为之法律认知——关于竞技体育暴力行为的调查报告

竞技体育暴力行为不仅仅是一法律问题,也是一社会问题。针对社会大众对竞技体育暴力行为的一般性认知、行为性质的认知、意涵界定的认知、责任承当方式的认知的社会调查结果,是刑法介入竞技体育暴力行为的前提和基础,而且是学术研究和立法完善的实证依据。     

论企业竞争优势的重塑

加入WTO的过渡期满以后,中国企业将面临更加激烈的竞争格局,理性认识新竞争格局下企业自身的市场地位,重新塑造竞争优势,是中国企业参与国际市场竞争的必修课。本文系统分析了中国企业正在弱化和丧失的竞争优势、仍然可资利用的竞争优势,明确提出要在自主创新、自主品牌等方面重塑企业竞争优势。     

The Evolution of Authoritarianism and Restrictionism in Brazilian Immigration Policy: Jair Bolsonaro in Historical Perspective

Research on immigration politics has been focused on countries of the Global North. Latin America is often discussed only as a migrant-sending region. This study offers a comparative-historical analysis of Brazilian immigration policy from national independence to the present day. Based on archival research and synthesis of multiple documentation sources, the study finds an affinity between authoritarian politics and immigration restrictionism in the country, which is consistent with theories that link liberal democracy to pro-immigrant policies. Brazilian authoritarian leaders have framed immigrants as threats to the security, order, and culture of the nation to justify tighter controls on immigration. The study concludes that immigration restrictionism can develop in the Global South with discourses strikingly similar to those circulated in the Global North. The findings also suggest that Brazil is still far from the ideal of a multiracial liberal democracy.     

新加坡制造业贸易竞争力发展评价分析——基于比较优势和竞争优势的动态均衡

本文借鉴和运用竞争力理论与评价体系,以新加坡制造业发展历程为主线,在测算新加坡制造业各行业竞争力变迁的成果上,运用主成分分析法建构了同时反映比较优势和竞争优势的新加坡制造业竞争力评价模型,并探讨新加坡制造业贸易竞争力发展的原因。     

竞争中立对我国国有企业的影响及法制应对

竞争中立政策的实施能够有效促进国有企业与民营企业之间的公平竞争,在优化社会资源配置的同时,提升国有企业自身的经营效益。目前我国国有企业在经营中仍享受着诸多的不当竞争优势,对此,应在结合域外制度经验的基础上,以竞争中立政策的适用主体与范围为切入点,依据竞争中立政策的基本要求,以政府职能分离规则、防止交叉补贴规则、透明度规则以及合理豁免规则为基本导向,对我国当前的相关法律制度进行检讨和完善。竞争中立政策要求我们必须立足于当前经济发展的实际,积极参与国际谈判,争取话语权,为今后我国国有企业乃至整个社会经济的健康、持续发展创造良好的市场环境和法制保障。