Social contention,authoritarian resilience,and political change

This article takes stock of recent advances in the field of comparative authoritarianism. The four books reviewed shed light on the effects of social activism, claim-making and social protests on authoritarian resilience. Taken as a whole, they intervene in the scholarly debates that examine the rise of collective, often contentious action under authoritarian rule. In so doing they account both for how states tolerate or even encourage collective action and the extent to which, in turn, protests by distinct social groups re-shape the political system. As authoritarian institutions, democratic-looking or otherwise, have received considerable attention of late, this article calls for greater attention to the economic and ideational dimensions of authoritarianism and, more generally, a broader research agenda.     

Bringing actors back in: political choices and sources of post-Soviet regime dynamics

One might summarize the state of the field of research into contemporary Russian politics as a “dismal consensus”: most observers believe that durable authoritarianism has consolidated itself, and there is very little chance of democratization in the foreseeable future. However, political regime changes are often launched and developed overtime as side effects of moves made by political actors, and their outcomes are not predetermined. This article aims to go beyond this “dismal consensus,” and revisits some of the arguments on the role of structure and agency in post-Soviet regime dynamics. Apart from the changes in structural variables, it reconsiders the role of the incentives and choices of self-interested political actors, who are not always omnipotent and well-informed strategists. The overall dismal tendencies nevertheless leave some “bias for hope” in the analysis of regime dynamics in post-Soviet Eurasia and beyond.     

A Small Yes for Presidentialism: The Turkish Constitutional Referendum of April 2017

Following four elections in three years, on 16 April 2017 Turkish voters once again went to the polls - this time under the emergency law established after the failed coup attempt of July 2016 - to vote on constitutional amendments aimed at replacing the existing parliamentary system with an executive presidency. This article reviews the content of the proposed constitutional amendments, analyses the campaign including the strategies employed by the main political actors in the ‘Yes’ and ‘No’ camps and the resource advantages enjoyed by the ruling party, assesses the electoral performance of both sides through a summary of results from provincial areas and geographical regions, and considers how Turkish politics are likely to take shape under the new system.     

国家公园特许经营合同的法律基础

国家公园特许经营合同是规范特许人(国家公园管理局)与特许经营权人之间权利义务关系的协议,本质上属于政府特许经营合同,可被拆分为双阶理论下的“行政行为+民事合同”,即在订立阶段为行政行为,在履行和解除阶段为民事合同。为实现国家公园特许经营制度的功能,保护特许经营权人利益和参与特许经营竞争者利益,应明确合同的必要内容、采用竞争性缔约方式、签订书面合同并对特许经营权进行登记。由于国家公园特许经营权具有专属性,合同义务只能由特许经营权人自己履行并应注意保护园内自然资源和生态环境。基于国家公园特许经营合同的基本性质与制度功能,原则上不适用《民法典》第五百六十二条第一款解除合同,合同解除后不具有溯及力,不发生恢复原状义务。     

“We need more clips about Putin,and lots of them:” Russia’s state-commissioned online visual culture

In this article, we examine how the Putin government is attempting to respond and adapt to the YouTube phenomenon and the vibrant oppositional online visual culture on Runet. We show how these processes are giving rise to new forms of state propaganda, shaped and driven above all by the quest for high-ranking search-engine results and the concomitant desire to appeal to the perceived new sensibilities of the Internet generation through the commissioning and production of “viral videos.” We focus in particular on the videos created by Iurii Degtiarev, a pioneer in the development of this genre, whose works we explore in light of the “Kremlingate” email leaks, which offer inside information on the strategies and aims being pursued on the online visual front of the campaign to manage the Russian mediascape, and Degtiarev’s own reflections on this subject. Examining the output of young creatives patronized by the Kremlin offers a “bottom-up” view to supplement studies of the Russian ideological and media landscape as shaped by “political technologists” such as Vladislav Surkov and Gleb Pavlovskii.     

论我国反垄断法的价值取向

反垄断法的价值取向问题关系到我国反垄断法的立法质量,科学认识中国反垄断法的价值取向,既是中国反垄断法理论研究的逻辑起点,又是中国反垄断立法、司法实践的价值基础。反垄断法通过规制垄断和限制竞争行为来调整竞争关系,从而创设和维护其认可的竞争秩序,这种特定的竞争秩序应当是反垄断法始终如一的价值取向。     

论我国竞争法视野下的商业秘密

商业秘密是一种重要且个性化特征较为突出的知识产权,商业秘密与竞争法之间既有一致的一面又有冲突的一面。商业秘密的竞争法调整至少包括商业秘密的反不正当竞争法保护和商业秘密滥用行为的反垄断法规制两个层面,目前人们较为关注前者。在继续加强商业秘密保护的同时应注重把握好合理与适度,同时借鉴国外的相关经验,构建我国商业秘密滥用行为的反垄断法规制制度。     

当代中国若干教育理念的反思

权威主义、功利主义、精英主义和科学主义是长期以来存留在当今教育工作中的重要教育理念,权威主义以教育为绝对权威,并对教育内容进行神化,成为实施创新教育的最大障碍;以眼前利益为价值取向的功利主义虽然能带来教育表面的繁荣,但却是对教育真正内涵的阉割;仅仅关注极少数“英才”教育的精英主义教育理念,其实是古代圣人统治说在今天的体现,它不仅有悖于教育民主化的世界潮流,而且也有碍于国家的发展;具有科学万能论色彩的科学主义本身便是违反科学的,而它造成的怀疑精神的缺失则是这种教育理念在教育方面造成的最大负面影响。     

试论优势产业群培育与地域经济发展

产业群具有产业集聚、资源整合等特点,因此,被认为是拉动地方经济发展的一剂良方。本文围绕地域产业群的选择、培育等内容,结合地域经济发展的规律与特点,对地方构建优势产业群提出建议。     

区域贸易协定“竞争性自由化”辨析

在WTO多哈回合持续停滞的现状下,RTAs(区域贸易协定)"竞争性自由化"态势持续升温。但由于制度成本的存在、主导国家力量的局限以及各国利益的殊异,各个RTA之间的融合相当困难,从而"竞争性自由化"无法最终实现全球贸易自由化,而且还存在南北国家利益不对称的明显弊端。为避免国际贸易格局的过度破碎化,各国一方面应推动RTA原产地规则的功能性整合,并促进各个RTA之间以及WTO与RTAs之间的经贸政策对话,另一方面仍应努力推动WTO多边自由化进程,促进多边化与区域化协调发展。