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31.
企业混合合并的竞争法分析   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
孙晋 《时代法学》2009,7(5):27-35
企业合并控制制度一直是各国反垄断法中的重要内容。随着我国经济逐步融入全球经济和市场经济的不断发展,企业合并的经营者集中越来越成为我国企业的普遍选择,其中混合合并因为便于企业实现多元化经营和经营战略转移形成效率抗辩,且一般不直接限制或妨碍竞争而与反垄断法无涉,从而形成市场和政府的双重偏好。然而通过非合作效应和合作效应分析可以得出混合合并在一定条件下也会产生反竞争效果。近年来,欧盟、澳大利亚的立法变革都明显提高了对混合合并反竞争效果的立法警觉。我国需要从竞争法视角重新审视企业混合合并,对其反垄断规制要坚持效率抗辩和整体权衡,反对弊大于利的合并,使混合合并在我国经济发展中避害扬善。  相似文献   
32.
宁夏民营企业经过改革开放三十多年的发展,已经取得了显著的成就,一批具有浓郁回族文化特点的民营企业在市场经济的大潮中脱颖而出,成为宁夏经济发展的生力军.  相似文献   
33.
在通识教育理念向课程艰难转换的实践中,在缺乏明确评价体系指导的情况下,我们将建设高职高专通识教育精品课程的经验总结为:回归教育的原点,即在课程定位上,追问教育的终极目标;在课程内容构建上,融合多元的价值取向;在课程实施中,引领学生进行有效学习。  相似文献   
34.
企业全球竞争力的路径选择   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
在以日益复杂化以及变化迅速为特征的新经济时代,经济全球化的竞争正迫使越来越多的企业进入一个更不稳定、更难控制的世界中运作。在只有不确定性是可以确定的知识经济时代,企业全球竞争力的提升和持续竞争优势源于善用知识的力量执着于持续创新的事业。  相似文献   
35.
网络经济的有序发展需要竞争法的规制。网络经济效应必然带来网络经济行为的垄断性,形成有效的垄断市场结构,使消费者预期管理模式成为主要竞争模式,容易带来竞争策略的不正当性以及竞争地理范围的超国家性。这就对现有竞争法律规范提出了重大挑战,因此,要把合理、自由、全球性作为基本原则,通过修订相关法律概念术语、立足现有法律类型化网络不正当竞争行为、制定网络经济自治组织法与促进法、明确规定网络经济垄断标准等途径完善立法,依靠政府积极参与来促进网络经济竞争政策的完善,以期对网络经济的竞争行为进行有力规制。  相似文献   
36.
Competitive PCR assays were established for the mitochondrial DNA hypervariable region I and the human amelogenin locus. Using these assays, the copy numbers of DNA participating in PCR (amplifiable DNA) were quantified in tissues exposed to different environments. Human ribs, skin and nails were left in three exposure conditions (in the open air, in soil and in water). The amounts of amplifiable DNA in these tissues were quantified during a time period of up to two months. The amount of amplifiable DNA was well preserved in hard tissues (ribs and nails) regardless of the exposure conditions, whereas the soft tissues immersed in water showed a rapid decrease in amplifiable DNA. Strong PCR inhibition was observed in the DNA extracts obtained from buried bones. This phenomenon was clearly identified from an amplification failure of the internal standards in the competitive PCR. A preliminary examination to identify the PCR inhibitor suggested that the soil itself contributed to the inhibition. In addition, the amounts of amplifiable DNA in case samples were also investigated.  相似文献   
37.
It is argued in this article that threatening stimuli affect political participation levels among non‐authoritarians more than among authoritarians. Focusing on socioethnic diversity, which is known to be particularly threatening to authoritarians and to relate negatively to political participation in the general public, analyses of individual‐ and macro‐level data from 53 countries is presented which supports this thesis. Participation levels among authoritarians are largely static, regardless of a country's level of socioethnic heterogeneity, while non‐authoritarians participate considerably less in countries with relatively high levels of socioethnic heterogeneity. This suggests that authoritarians participate to a proportionately greater degree in the most diverse countries.  相似文献   
38.
在成功构建牛肝细胞培养模型和PC基因DNA竞争模板的基础上,采用竞争RT-PCR方法检测了丙酸钠和丙酮酸钠对体外培养新生牛单层肝细胞PC基因mRNA丰度的影响。结果,随着丙酸钠浓度的升高,PC基因mRNA水平呈上升趋势,PC基因mRNA对丙酸钠的耐受范围较广;随着丙酮酸钠浓度的升高PC基因mRNA水平呈先上升后下降的趋势。结果表明,肝细胞内PC基因mRNA的表达水平受丙酮酸钠浓度的调控,在一定范围内丙酮酸钠对PC基因mRNA的转录具有促进作用,而浓度过高时则起抑制作用。  相似文献   
39.
《当代亚洲杂志》2012,42(1):74-98
ABSTRACT

The monarchy and the country’s military dominate discussions of Thai political history. The country’s democratic history meanwhile is much less well known. To many people, historiography – the history of the writing of history – is a dull affair that only concerns academics. But the changing representations of the origins of democracy in the 1932 revolution that ended the absolute monarchy show the politics of history as a continuous problem that still shapes Thai society. The interpretations have been bound to the bitter partisanship that has accompanied a history of political instability. This article examines the changing interpretations of 1932 in their historical contexts and demonstrates the central antagonism towards the ideal of popular sovereignty, despite its long history in the country, that is still held by the military and monarchic elite.  相似文献   
40.
This article explores the authoritarian elements of Eastern European nationalism from an historical point of view. The focus is on the case of Latvian nationalist ideas and particularly the authoritarian nationalism serving the interests of the Kārlis Ulmanis regime between 1934 and 1939. The evidence is collected from the political writings of nationalist intellectuals, who are treated as the authors of Latvian nationalist philosophy. It is concluded that the nationalist intellectuals were willing to accept authoritarianism as a realization of their visions of perfect national existence. Consequently, Latvian nationalism lost its conceptual independence and became an instrument of Ulmanis’ political rhetoric. Thus, the article provides insights about the complex relations between intellectuals and political power.  相似文献   
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