Entre la racionalidad tecnocrática y la gobernabilidad La importancia del consenso político en México

Since the 1980s the technocratic elite has controlled the Mexican economy, regardless of whether the country is governed by the Partido Revolucionario Institucional or an opposition party. On top of showing an uncommitted stance in ideological or party terms, the elite has maintained a strict control of national public finances thus generating considerable political and electoral consequences in the country. Regardless of whether there exist or not different economic options, the main problem lies in that this elite has been unable to gain the society's support. The rationality that characterizes this elite does not admit communication with society nor does it take into consideration its opinion concerning the decisions they take. This has led to an extreme politicization of economic decisions of political parties. This article intends to expose the features of the Mexican technocracy, its development and survival during the transition, as well as the mediation flaws that have impeded communication between the society and governmental authorities concerning the development and implementation of economic measures.     

论社会主义核心价值体系的科学内涵

本文系统论述了社会主义核心价值体系提出的历史必然性、深刻内涵以及建设社会主义核心价值体系的具体措施,切实使社会主义核心价值体系在认识上成为全体公民的共识,在行为上成为整个社会的准则。从而进一步深化对中国特色社会主义本质的认识,务实和谐社会的思想基础,全面推进中国特色社会主义伟大事业。     

基于文献与专家咨询的中医体质舌象特征研究

目的 构建中医体质舌象特征条目池并评价其在体质辨识中的贡献度。方法 梳理现有文献中中医体质的舌象特征,构建特征条目池,采用德尔菲法专家咨询形成专家共识。结果 通过22篇文献构建了9种体质104项舌象特征条目池,在此基础上,专家对舌象特征在中医体质辨识的重要性进行打分,形成7种体质20项的专家共识条目,总体评价均值为8.13分,其中血瘀质（8.76分）、痰湿质（8.53分）、湿热质（8.42分）和阴虚质（8.39分）表现出较高的贡献度。结论 不同体质具有不同的舌象特征,舌象特征对体质辨识具有一定的指导意义,但通过舌象区分体质类型具有一定的难度。     

宪政视野下的大清新刑律——杨度《论国家主义与家族主义之区别》解读

杨度从宪政的高度看待大清新刑律，使得晚清刑法典论争从法理与礼教的问题之争转向国家与家族的主义之争。在时代的语境中，“个人”通过“国民”这一概念而被国家所吸纳，国家主义乃是看不见独立人格的国民主义。杨度以进化论的观点，将家族视为国家之敌，但对破坏家族是否就能培养出合格的新国民，缺乏充分的论证。他的主义之争加剧了新旧两派的裂痕，使得共识难以达成。     

Efficiency evaluation of the LT-DNA traces analysis modifications

Analysis of genetic profiles obtained from low template DNA samples (LT DNA) can be challenging because of increased probability of stochastic amplification artifacts occurrence. According to the recommendations of international genetic societies the quality of the LT-DNA traces results can be improved by applying low copy number (LCN) methods. Another strategy which allows to obtain better results of the analysis of LT-DNA traces is replicate the amplification of the same DNA sample and create consensus, composite (virtual pool profile) or real pool profile. The aim of the research was to analyze and compare the efficiency of modifications used in the testing of LT-DNA samples. Obtained results indicate that implementation of these methods in laboratory practice may lead to improvement in the quality of reported data from LT-DNA traces in genetic analyzes conducted to assist the justice system.     

Deliberation and Forgiveness in the Public Sphere

A common objection to the argument for deliberative democracy is that it cannot provide mechanisms for achieving its ideal of all-inclusiveness. This does, however, not in itself refute the deliberative ideal. In a reading of Hannah Arendt and Jacques Derrida’s writings on forgiveness, we argue that forgiving involves a renegotiation of our enemies and of ourselves. Hereby a renegotiation of the seemingly unbridgeable understandings of who our enemies are can be achieved. Forgiving involves a realisation that we have something in common with our foes. This opens the question: Why did our paths separate? We become puzzled and start to search for reasons. This does not mean that we have to accept ways of life that we detest. But it does mean that we need to be able to articulate counter arguments. Hereby limitations of prevailing understandings of who to include in deliberative processes can be overcome.     

Venezuela's Contemporary Political Crisis in Historical Context

Since the election of Hugo Chávez Frías to the Venezuelan presidency in 1998 on a platform of 'revolutionary' change, the country has been wracked by political turmoil and violence between pro- and anti-government groups. While the political crisis has been reported and portrayed as a new phenomenon that has emerged as a result of Chávez's policy programme and style of government, this article argues that the conflict has deep historical roots and that it has been shaped by the legacy of political organisation in the pre-Chávez period.     

加强政治共识教育不断夯实多党合作的共同思想政治基础

多党合作的政治共识,具有深厚的历史底蕴、稳定的制度化和鲜明的中国特色.强化政治共识,事关多党合作发展的根基,需要中国共产党与各民主党派、无党派人士的共同努力.各民主党派和无党派人士要把强化政治共识作为根本任务,以思想建设坚定共识,以服务大局深化共识,以政治交接巩固共识,以自我教育增进共识,不断夯实与中国共产党团结奋斗的共同思想政治基础.     

从战后“福利共识”瓦解看当前欧洲“福利国家”危机

从文化视角来看，在战后特定的历史背景下，欧洲形成的一种超越阶级、阶层和政党差别的“福利共识”局面，奠定了欧洲“福利国家”存在和发展的思想文化基础。然而，伴随着经济全球化进程中新自由主义和极端个人主义的兴起，这种“福利共识”趋于瓦解，引发当前“福利国家”出现政治危机。     

The ASEAN Way as a symbol: an analysis of discourses on the ASEAN Norms

Has the ‘ASEAN Way’ – a set of rules of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) centered on the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making – really established its position as an ASEAN norm? This paper aims to analyze the discourses of each ASEAN country and empirically explain their attitudes toward the norm. Specifically, I review various documentations to examine how various ASEAN diplomats have used the term ‘ASEAN Way.’ How did they come to call the principle of non-interference and consensus decision-making ‘ASEAN Way’ in the early 1990s? Why have they begun using the term negatively, as something to be reformed, in recent years? By describing the discourses on the ‘ASEAN Way’ and their changes over the years, I show that the rationality of non-interference and consensus decision-making has changed over time and shifted the positioning of the ‘ASEAN way’ as a symbol. This presents a new and empirical interpretation of the changes in ASEAN Norms.