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121.
作为刑法的精神内核,罪刑法定内含预测可能性原理,意图通过明文规定的犯罪与刑罚,克己守法的法官运用形式思维严格适用法律,使民众事先能够预测自己的行为性质,保障行动的自由.然而预测可能性原理实现前提的假设被证伪,刑法规范的模糊性与法律概念的类型化,使得法官适用法律时必然适当能动.同时,法官的法律思维与民众的日常思维存在较大...  相似文献   
122.
日本当局在指挥日军对南京进攻与大屠杀期间,实施了一系列控制新闻与操纵舆论的新闻政策:一方面宣扬日本的侵略有理与日军的赫赫战果,伪造南京的"祥和"气象与南京人民对皇军的欢迎和感激,伪造南京人民自主地建立伪政权,等等;另一方面则严密封锁与掩盖日军的种种战争暴行.这既是日本侵华政策的重要内容之一,又是世界新闻史上颇具典型意义的"个案".  相似文献   
123.
This article deals with consensus on norms on how incomes in a society ought to be distributed. Functionalist theories presume consensus between almost all members of a society. Marxist theories presume at least some dissension, e.g., persons in unfavorable positions will support the achievement principle to a lesser extent and the equality and need principle to a larger measure. In 1987, a vignette study was conducted among a sample of 795 individuals representative of the Dutch population between the ages of 18 and 70. The respondents were presented with a random sample of 15 vignettes and requested to assign a fair income to the described household. A total of 11,394 fair incomes were assigned to the virgnettes. In the analysis the respondents were grouped on value patterns and income position. There was consensus on the main achievement attribute occupational prestige in assigning fair incomes. There was also some dissension discernible between different groups. However, neither of the theories was fully corroborated.  相似文献   
124.
This article seeks to explain cross‐cantonal variation in public education expenditure between 1985 and 1998. Four possible explanations are located: socio‐demographic and socio‐economic pressures, the impact of political institutions, the partisan theory, and the power resources of organized interests. Taking the research advantage of Swiss federalism our findings provide strong evidence that educational expenditure is systematically related to the socio‐demographic and socio‐economic pressures in a given canton. Furthermore, consensus democracy promotes educational finance, while the decentralization of the cantonal polity lessens the educational policy output. Finally, the instruments of direct democracy as well as partisan variables do not seem to account for differences regarding the budget expenditures on education in the Swiss cantons.  相似文献   
125.
司法的真相——在法律解释的合法性与妥当性之间   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
对规范和事实的不同安置,以及由此折射出的对合法性与正义性的不同态度,构成了西方法学史的全部。但至少到目前为止,纠缠于规范与事实、合法与正义之间的争论似乎并未取得令人满意的成果。而从现代西方哲学的商谈理论中我们发现,只有放弃学术立场上的任何一种“独断”,实现规范与事实、法律共同体与相应“听众”之间的合意,并对合法性与正义性进行适合法学语境的重新解读,才能最终缓解甚至消除合法性与正义性(妥当性)之间的冲突。  相似文献   
126.
在公共决策体制的形成过程中,发挥主要作用的是权力的来源和构成、公职人员产生的方式和地位、历史文化的特征,三者以不同形式的组合构成不同的公共决策体制。政治精英对决策权力的独占性、对组织地位的垄断性以及专制集权的文化的渗透性,共同构筑成典型的自上而下的公共决策体制;公民占据主导地位、通过竞争可以随时撤换公职人员、具有高度的公共精神是自下而上模式的突出特征;当前协商式公共决策体制最真实的写照则是人与入之间通过权力让渡形成契约式的政府组织,并通过代议制进行治理、以委任和有限的竞选占据公共职位、通过政策网络的方式将参与某一政策问题的相关行为者集合一起。并相互影响。  相似文献   
127.
吴碧君 《学理论》2009,(6):13-15
1978年以来的改革开放使中国社会发生了深刻的变化,经济体制转轨和现代化进程的推进也促使中国社会结构发生着巨大的变迁。因此,中国协商民主的发展趋势首先是协商主体的多元化,新的协商主体不断产生和加入协商过程。其次是协商的方式和途径也越来越多,多元化的协商可以更加合理和公平的建立共识,进一步使得国家政策的制定科学化、规范化。  相似文献   
128.
In a previous study, a survey‐based analysis of pathologist diagnoses of patterned injury in which participants were asked makes diagnoses from photographs in the absence of history or context. The level of consensus was low. A follow‐up survey was created to ask those who responded to the first survey why they answered as they did or why they were unsure of their answers. The most common reason for lack of consensus was that the lesion was nonspecific. Responses invoking ambiguity were more common than those that indicated a confident difference in diagnosis. There were differences between demographic groups, with age and experience being most prominent. These findings suggest that differences in image interpretation do not generally reflect firm differences in diagnosis as much as differing ways of dealing with ambiguity in the absence of history and context. A third survey will study the effect of the addition of contextual information.  相似文献   
129.
Could the notion of compromise help us overcoming – or at least negotiating – the frequent tension, in normative political theory, between the realistic desideratum of peaceful coexistence and the idealistic desideratum of justice? That is to say, an analysis of compromise may help us move beyond the contrast between two widespread contrasting attitudes in contemporary political philosophy: ‘fiat iustitia, pereat mundus’, on the one side, and ‘salus populi suprema lex’, on the other side. More specifically, compromise may provide the backbone of a conception of legitimacy that mediates between idealistic (or moralistic) and realistic (or pragmatic) desiderata of political theory, i.e. between the aspiration to peace and the aspiration to justice. In other words, this paper considers whether an account of compromise could feature in a viable realistic conception of political legitimacy, in much the same way in which consensus features in more idealistic conceptions of legitimacy (a move that may be attributed to some realist theorists, especially Bernard Williams). My conclusions, however, are largely sceptical: I argue that grounding legitimacy in any kind of normatively salient agreement does require the trappings of idealistic political philosophy, for better or – in my view – worse.  相似文献   
130.
网络时代以信息高速传递和信息终端无限为最主要特点,自由的网络舆论环境和通畅的信息传递渠道使得每一个个体深刻融入到社会现实之中。网络时代下的公检法司机构不再隔离于高墙之内,而是前所未有地暴露于舆论的闪光灯之下,公检法司机构的司法裁判工作收到社会广泛监督,此种畅通的社会监督不仅对司法工作造成极大挑战,也是推进司法公开、构建法治社会的重要机遇,公检法司机构于此大环境下应革新司法理念,主动应对网络舆论监督,以更加充分地司法公开和司法宣传践行自身维护社会公平正义的职责。  相似文献   
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