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141.
In this paper we leverage a sudden shift in refugee settlement policy to study the electoral consequences of refugee settlements. After the 2013 Norwegian parliamentary election, the newly elected right-wing government made a concerted effort to spread newly arrived immigrants across the country, with the consequence that some municipalities with limited experience in settling refugees accepted to do so. We propose that such policy changes have political consequences, increasing the salience of immigration issues and shifting voters’ preferences to the right. We further propose that successful refugee integration can move (parts of) the electorate to the left, with stronger political polarization as a possible effect of the policy change. Applying difference-in-differences techniques, we find no evidence of unidirectional shifts in voter sentiments, but support for the hypothesis of stronger political polarization. 相似文献
142.
Kathleen M Dowley 《Communist and Post》1998,31(4):359-380
The central research goals of this article are to classify and explain the positions of the 89 state “governors” of Russia with regard to the most desirable federal division of power. The state governors are classified along a 5-item autonomy index based on events data and content analysis of their speeches, declarations, petitions, threats and actions from 1991–1995 as reported in two regional sources. Theoretical propositions derived from four schools of thought (essentialism, instrumentalism, relative deprivation and resource mobilization) are tested to discover which, if any, provide useful insights into the preferences and behavior of regional elites in Russia. In the end, a combined model that synthesizes elements of the above is shown to be most useful in explaining variation in elite positions. 相似文献
143.
The eightieth anniversary of the Beveridge inquiry is a timely moment to consider how the landmark report is used within contemporary UK politics. Calls for a ‘new Beveridge’ reflect a desire for a rupture with the past and the creation of a radical new welfare consensus. But this reflects a misunderstanding: Beveridge's approach was organic in nature, building on decades of experimentation, politically contested rather than consensual, and intellectually pluralist rather than moored to a single ideological worldview. The real insight Beveridge offers us today flows not from his substantive agenda—which was rooted in a particular set of historic circumstances—but as an approach to securing social reform. Successful welfare advances over the last generation have drawn on these ‘Beveridgean instincts’. Rather than calling for a new twenty-first century blueprint to be handed down from above, reformers should build on experimentation and successful incremental change, from within the UK and abroad. 相似文献
144.
高新华 《江苏警官学院学报》2004,19(6):88-93
行政诉讼原告资格制度发展与社会变迁之间存在着内在联系。我国市场经济的不 断发展,民主政治的不断完善,行政法治建设的不断进步,行政法治理论的不断成熟,为行政诉讼 原告资格制度的发展提供了根本动力、政治条件、实践基础及理论前提。21世纪,我国社会的经 济、政治、法制实践和法治理论仍将不断变迁,因此,行政诉讼原告资格制度必将继续向逐步放宽 的世界性标准发展。 相似文献
145.
Discovering the Dark Side of Power: The Principal’s Moral Hazard in Political-Bureaucratic Relations
Marian Döhler 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2018,41(3):190-202
Principal agent (PA) is among the most prominent concepts for analyzing the relationship between politics and bureaucracy. Nonethelesss, the inherent bias of PA scholars to attribute moral hazard almost exclusively to the agent, usually referred to as “bureaucratic drift”, requires re-examination. Building on the spare literature in which moral hazard of the principal is considered, this paper provides empirical evidence for a neglected aspect of the PA concept. Three cases of German regulatory agencies responsible for drug control, financial services and rail safety are analyzed in critical situations which were largely perceived as bureaucratic failures. The analysis reveals that a good deal of these failures, ranging from negligence to suppressing crucial information, has to be attributed to the political principal. This is called the dark side of power because the intention is to shift blame or to dodge political responsibility. Turning conventional PA reasoning upside down, the conclusion is that the principal’s moral hazard should be considered more routinely as a potential explanation for political-bureaucratic interactions. 相似文献
146.
美国学者凯特·米利特(Kate Millet)在她的著作《性别政治》一书中第一次明确地提出了性别政治的概念。米利特指出两性关系是一种统治与被统治的关系,即男性统治女性。这种权力结构长期以来被视为是理所当然的。《克丽丝德蓓》是英国浪漫主义时期诗人柯尔律治的三部代表作之一,长期以来在学术研究方面较少得到关注。《克丽丝德蓓》与作者其他两部代表作最明显的差异在于把历经磨难的主人公设定为一位柔弱少女。本文试图从男性作者视角的天使与魔鬼,男性力量的操纵与拯救和男性心理的公平与偏见等方面,阐释柯尔律治《克丽丝德蓓》中体现出的性别政治。 相似文献
147.
《中国国际问题研究》2014,(3)
正Published by China Institute of International Studies,China International Studies is China’s first English-language journal on diplomacy and international politics for formal circulation.The magazine mainly publishes the latest research achievements of Chinese scholars and specialists on 相似文献
148.
高烈 《西南政法大学学报》2000,2(4):108-110
随着改革开放的深入发展和社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立,社会对人才素质提出了更高要求。高等教育要充分有效地发挥思想政治的服务和保证功能,才能适应形势发展需要。 相似文献
149.
大学生专业满意度与就业态度相关性实证研究分析——以非师范类思想政治教育专业学生为例 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
针对全国八所综合性大学的非师范类思想政治教育专业学生的专业满意度和就业态度进行调查。结果显示:非师范类思想政治教育专业大学本科生的专业满意度普遍不高;虽然就业方向明确,但就业信心较差。并进一步分析了专业满意度对该专业同学的就业态度影响情况,发现课程兴趣是影响就业态度的直接因素,课程安排、教学效果、专业图书资源是影响就业态度的间接因素。明确培养目标、改革课程体系、建立导师培养机制、提高教师课堂教学能力、建立系统的就业指导体系等有助于提高非师范类思想政治教育专业同学的专业满意度。 相似文献
150.
社会主义民主政治、政治文明与依法治国 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
党的十六大报告关于“发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,是全面建设小康社会的重要目标” 的科学论断,深刻揭示了社会主义民主政治、社会主义政治文明与依法治国的内在联系。在我国全面建设小康社会的伟大实践中发展社会主义民主政治,建设社会主义政治文明,最根本的是要把坚持党的领导、人民当家作主和依法治国有机统一起来,坚持中国特色社会主义政治建设和政治体制改革的发展方向。 相似文献