全文获取类型
收费全文 | 1925篇 |
免费 | 30篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 138篇 |
工人农民 | 71篇 |
世界政治 | 72篇 |
外交国际关系 | 108篇 |
法律 | 307篇 |
中国共产党 | 177篇 |
中国政治 | 437篇 |
政治理论 | 190篇 |
综合类 | 455篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 7篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 15篇 |
2020年 | 45篇 |
2019年 | 44篇 |
2018年 | 43篇 |
2017年 | 41篇 |
2016年 | 38篇 |
2015年 | 40篇 |
2014年 | 103篇 |
2013年 | 293篇 |
2012年 | 181篇 |
2011年 | 108篇 |
2010年 | 86篇 |
2009年 | 96篇 |
2008年 | 96篇 |
2007年 | 118篇 |
2006年 | 117篇 |
2005年 | 108篇 |
2004年 | 88篇 |
2003年 | 95篇 |
2002年 | 85篇 |
2001年 | 51篇 |
2000年 | 28篇 |
1999年 | 11篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 4篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
排序方式: 共有1955条查询结果,搜索用时 8 毫秒
51.
Katharine N. Rankin Andrea J. Nightingale Pushpa Hamal Tulasi S. Sigdel 《The Journal of peasant studies》2018,45(2):280-299
This paper explores the political field that has opened up in the wake of the recent civil war in Nepal. We focus on cultural-political developments in agrarian districts, where some of the most intriguing openings, and indeed the most pernicious closures, can be witnessed (as opposed to the national-state restructuring that commands more media and popular attention). Our research asks what spaces open up in the emerging political field at the district scale to entrench or transform dominant cultural codes and sedimented histories of socio-economic inequality. Preliminary research identifies specific sectors of local governance that have emerged as significant sites of struggle over the shape and meaning of ‘democracy’, namely forest management and infrastructure development. The primary contribution of the paper lies in specifying an analytical approach to the study of ‘post-conflict’ governance at the local scale via three conceptual terrains of inquiry – governance and planning, political subjectivity, and cultural politics. The ultimate objective is to develop a framework for assessing the conditions of possibility for a democratic restructuring of economy and society to accompany the official political institutions of liberal democracy. 相似文献
52.
Injeong Hwang 《Journal of Civil Society》2020,16(3):260-272
ABSTRACT Protest activist leaders must make a series of decisions about the strategies they use; one such decision is the choice of tactic or performance, often informed by their cultural historic contentious repertoire. In South Korea's contentious repertoire, the use of candlelight vigils has become an increasingly prevalent form of protest tactic. Candlelight vigils have become an increasingly prominent tactic in South Korea’s repertoire over the last two decades, as evidenced by major candlelight vigils in 2002, 2008, and 2016-2017. In this study, we explore the ways in which candlelight vigils as a protest tactic have evolved over time in South Korea. We notably find that vigils emerged as a left-wing protest tactic in 2002, but right-wing protesters began adopting the tactic during the counter-protests opposing President Park Geun-Hye’s impeachment in 2016–2017 (Taegeukgi Giphoei). Additionally, we find that candlelight vigils drew participants from an increasingly wide swath of society over time and average citizens assumed greater organizational roles. This research not only contributes to the literature on South Korean social movements and civil society, but to understanding candlelight vigils as a distinct form of protest and how contentious repertoires evolve over time more broadly. 相似文献
53.
Salvador Parrado 《Regulation & Governance》2020,14(3):599-615
Disasters challenge the equilibrium of regulatory regimes and make policy shifts more likely. Using an institutional theory of cultural biases and the concept of cultural “surprise”, this article analyses the direction and intensity of media argumentation in respect of policy shifts. Instead of assuming a demand for greater State intervention after dramatic focusing events, as suggested by other theoretical frames, cultural theory opens a variety of options that range from embracing regulatory responses from different cultural biases to the radicalization of current, but failing, instruments. The analysis of media reaction to the environmental disasters caused by the oil spills of Exxon Valdez (United States), Erika (France) and Prestige (Spain) shows that the demand for more hierarchy does not monopolize the overall argumentation. The change demanded often implies a radicalization of a particular prevalent view where the associated institutional setting is failing its supporters. 相似文献
54.
Sherry Pictou 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(7):1411-1420
AbstractThis reflective contribution discusses the intersection of Indigenous and Small Scale Fisheries’ (SSF) issues, and how the international SSF movement has a critical role in the broader struggle for the convergence of social justice regarding the environment, food and lifeways. I explore some of the political tensions around Indigenous and SSF struggles against global neoliberalisation of land and water resources, some of the successes and challenges of the international SSF movement, and future considerations for academic/activist ‘decolonising’ work. 相似文献
55.
Martin Lodge 《政策研究评论》2009,26(4):395-408
This article argues that the public management of risk faces inherent "wicked issue" problems which are further accentuated in the context of the contemporary regulatory state. It is suggested that in order to overcome these limitations and inevitable trade-offs, there needs to be a more conscientious effort in setting out distinct components of any public management of risk, which should be considered and discussed through the lens of distinct worldviews contrasting interpretations and solutions, as well as potential "black-spots." It is only by acknowledging limitations of any one strategy and by considering plural solutions that there is less likelihood of disappointment when dealing with crises and disasters. 相似文献
56.
1935年的台湾博览会,台湾总督府作为策展者,力求将台湾装扮成“繁荣”、“昌盛”的形象,这些展示成了外界判定“日本殖民有功论”的资料证据。当时,台湾知识分子对博览会有相关的记述和叙事,他们以自己的“小叙述”,或纠正,或对抗策展者的“大叙述”。经由博览会这一空间,可以解读出台湾“殖民现代性”的驳杂性和多义性。 相似文献
57.
58.
Dominique Schnapper 《Society》2009,46(2):175-179
Modern democracies increasingly confuse civic or political equality with a radical relativism that calls into question legitimate
principles of hierarchy and the very idea of reasonable value judgments. This confusion reflects a “corruption,” in Montesquieu’s
sense, of democracy rooted in a refusal to recognize distinctions that are integral to both human nature and social life.
A moderate form of cultural relativism is a genuine intellectual achievement that helps combat ethnocentrism and allows one
to better appreciate the full range of human experience. But criteria of meaning and truth are by no means entirely dependent
upon cultural context. Our contemporary awareness of the “relativity” of cultures and historical experiences must be complemented
by a robust appreciation of the universality of Reason and citizenship.
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
Dominique SchnapperEmail: |
Dominique Schnapper has been a member of the Constitutional Council of France since 2001. She is also Professor at the école des Hautes études en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. She has been named a Chevalier of the Legion of Honour and Officer of the Order des Arts et des Lettres. This essay is translated from the 30th anniversary issue of the French journal, Commentaire, n. 121/Spring 2008, pp. 126–130, by Paul Seaton and Daniel J. Mahoney. 相似文献
59.
加强宁夏农村文化建设的几点思考 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
构建农村和谐社会,经济发展是根本,文化建设是关键。加强农村文化建设,既是当前农村、农业、农民实现持续健康科学发展的必然要求,也是构建农村和谐社会的有机组成部分。 相似文献
60.
《Labor History》2012,53(3):237-253
Labor movements have always found it difficult to reveal and transform the social relations that constitute markets. The growing transnational movements of goods, capital, and services in themselves have therefore not triggered closer trade union cooperation across borders. Transnational collective action also requires conscious choices and a mutual understanding that solidarity across borders is warranted. For this reason, this special issue of Labor History assesses the role that politicization processes play in triggering transnational union action. 相似文献