在学习实践活动中加强思想建设

中共贵州省委作出了全省民主党派成员开展坚持和发展中国特色社会主义"五学三贡献"学习实践活动的部署。要保证学习实践活动取得成效,必须把思想建设贯穿于整个学习实践活动的始终。     

坚持特色发挥优势促进参政议政

各民主党派不可能对事关国计民生的所有问题都提出建设性的意见.各民主党派的人员构成、业务领域和特色优势均不同,在参政议政过程中,应充分发挥所从事的领域和专业方面的优势和特长,着力在本领域、本行业如何发展变革上多作文章.要保持自身的特色,将自身的特色与经济社会的发展紧密结合起来,提出有价值的意见、建议,从而形成有专业特色的...     

Pedagogy and deliberative democracy: insights from recent experiments in the United Kingdom

A growing body of research suggests the existence of a disconnection between citizens, politicians and representative politics in advanced industrial democracies. This has led to a literature on the emergence of post-democratic or post-representative politics that connects to a parallel seam of scholarship on the capacity of deliberative democratic innovations to ‘close the gap’. This latter body of work has delivered major insights in terms of democratic design in ways that traverse ‘politics as theory’ and ‘politics as practice’. And yet the main argument of this article is that this seam of scholarship has generally failed to explore the existence of numerous pedagogical relationships that exist within the very fibre of deliberative processes. As such, the core contribution of this article focuses around the explication of a ‘pedagogical pyramid’ that applies a micro-political lens to deliberative processes. This theoretical contribution is empirically assessed with reference to a recent project that sought to test different citizen assembly pilots around plans for English regional devolution. The proposition being tested is that a better understanding of relational pedagogy within innovations is vital, not just to increase levels of knowledge, but also to build the capacity, confidence and contribution of democratically active citizens.     

Moving beyond input legitimacy: When do democratic innovations affect policy making?

This article makes three key contributions to debates surrounding the effectiveness of democratic innovation, deliberation and participation in representative political systems. In the first instance, it argues that more attention should be paid to the role that participation actually plays in governance. The literature on democratic institutional design often neglects concern about the effects of innovative institutional designs on more traditional representative fora, at the expense of concerns about their internal procedures. Second, the article argues that despite limitations, replicable systematic comparison of the effects of institutional design is both necessary and possible even at the level of national governance. A comparative analysis of 31 cases of National Public Policy Conferences (NPPCs) in Brazil is presented. Finally, the article shows that popular deliberative assemblies that vary in their familiarity and their policy area of interest, and that organise their structure and sequence deliberation in different ways can be associated with differential effects on both option analysis and option selection stages of the policy process, respectively.     

Media Motivation and Elite Rhetoric in Comparative Perspective

The exchange of diverse points of view in elite deliberation is considered a cornerstone of democracy. This study presents evidence that variations in political motivation for media use predict the tendency of politicians to present deliberative rhetoric that considers multiple points of view regarding issues and sees those views as related to one another. We surveyed 111 incumbent Members of Parliament in Belgium, Canada, and Israel and analyzed a large sample of their parliamentary speeches. The findings demonstrate that motivation to attain media coverage and act upon information from the news media leads politicians to strategically display simple and unidimensional rhetoric due to newsworthiness considerations, but only in countries where the media constitute important resources for reelection. The results contribute to extant literature by demonstrating a media effect on elite deliberation and by emphasizing the moderating role of political systems on the nature of elite rhetoric.     

Conscientious politics and Israel’s moral dilemmas

ABSTRACT

This paper introduces ‘conscientious politics’, discusses their features and shows their resonance in the case of Israel. I define conscientious politics as politics informed by moral deliberations about legitimacy, and locate them in the larger matrix of conscience. In the balance between passion and persuasion, conscientious politics provide time and invite venues for deliberation on the social contract, challenging rulers’ convenience and society’s conventions. While the individual’s freedom of conscience draws mainly on positive liberty (from within), conscientious politics also requires emancipation from without. However, conscientious politics are not necessarily harmonious or liberal, nor does liberalism necessarily entail free conscience. Conscientious politics are often ‘hidden in plain sight’, and the normative task of bringing them to light depends on revealing the moral dilemmas that underpin actual politics. I unearth such dilemmas with regard to Israel’s 2011 social justice movement, the subsequent prisoner exchange and Israel’s relations with the Palestinians.     

Discordant dreams: the spirit of the times in contemporary South Africa

In a time of ferment in the national mood, the large body of literature on the rationale and emotions of specific subgroups in South Africa today invites a synthetic account of ideologies and zeitgeist considered together. It is argued that these phenomena are rooted in material processes and that combinations of these discourses are used by people. Patriarchy, neoliberalism, the ANC state, and Christianity are considered as ideology; the “colonial unconscious” is considered as a structuring principle of the fractured presentation of zeitgeist. This includes the ideological popular discourse of whiteness; a single broad social spirit of blackness, though within this are subclusters of survival, retraditionalization, religion, “insurgent yet dependent citizenship,” and loyal citizenship. The common spirit of democratic South Africa is outlined. Lastly, using Hamilton’s account of “public deliberation,” the extent and location of critical public debate is discussed, and linked to the issue of ressentiment. The implication of these forces for the future is finally considered.     

参与式性别预算:来自温岭的探索

中国近年兴起的"参与式性别预算"是指从性别视角审议与监督政府的财政预算,较典型的是浙江温岭的实践,其实质是当地"参与式预算"的延伸与拓展。这种参与式性别预算的动力来自于体制内部,即"人大"推动和党委政府的支持。参与式性别预算的主体是多元的,包括人大、党委、政府、妇联、人大代表和基层民众等,他们各司其职又紧密配合,其运行机制和参与式预算互为依存,或者说依系于参与式预算的基本框架。参与式性别预算的内容主要包括三个层面:一是针对女性的专项预算支出;二是与女性关系更密切的预算支出;三是一般性的预算支出。这一女性参与决策的新途径已经取得明显成效。但是,如果从完整规范的预算周期评估来看,仍有待拓展和深化。     

Teaching Negotiation through Paradox

How to teach negotiation cannot be effectively summed up in a few ready‐to‐be‐applied principles. In this article, I define a paradoxical professorial stance that I believe can be useful for helping students learn negotiation concepts and methods, and will also help them reflect on their own practice. The paradoxes are the following: caring for the students while deliberately exposing them to frustration; nurturing a lively, interactive course while respecting those students who prefer to remain silent; helping the students to be more autonomous while simultaneously manipulating them; accepting their vulnerability while nurturing their creativity; and finally, maintaining both professorial distance and closeness. My adoption of such a paradoxical stance as a professor has encouraged greater creativity in my students, and by the end of the course, they are better able to create value in a negotiation simulation.     

论刑法中“应当知道”的教义学意涵

析清"应当知道"的教义学意涵,应当区分其具备的三种不同意义:词源意义、语境意义和类别意义。在词源意义上,"应当"是一个多义情态动词,既可表示推测性判断,又可表示规范性命令;"知道"则具备多元时态面向,这共同决定了"应当知道"具备多元的词源意义。在语境意义上,级次混乱造成了"应当知道"含义探寻的难题,但厘清"应当知道"条款的证据规则属性后,即可将其界定为有间接证据证明的知道,系对故意的认识层面之描述。在类别意义上,"应当知道"是对知道与否的概率判断,而非对知道确切程度的判断,其与直接故意或间接故意的类别定性没有逻辑关联。