新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处?

新时代中国特色大国外交由新时代、中国特色和大国外交三部分组成。对于新时代的含义,党的十九大报告已经做出了明确的表述。大国外交的研究,历来是国际关系学界关注的重点,但对于什么是“中国特色”,学术界似乎着墨极少。所谓中国特色,就是指中国独有而其他国家没有或罕有的某些环境、指导思想、操作原则和具体抓手。本文探讨了新时代中国特色大国外交的“独特”之处。中国特色大国外交是在百年未有之大变局这一独特外部环境中展开的,其指导思想是作为新时代中国特色社会主义思想重要组成部分的习近平外交思想,采取了结伴不结盟这一独特的外交原则,以及“一带一路”倡议这一独特的工作抓手。中国特色大国外交有三个独特的理论来源:中国特色社会主义道路、中国传统文化和新中国外交传统。明确新时代中国特色大国外交“特”在何处,有助于我们总结和把握中国特色大国外交理论和实践的发展,有助于我们理解中国外交总体布局,有助于我们观察和分析当前和今后一个时期中国外交政策的走向。     

试论中国对东南亚的公共外交

随着全球化和信息化的迅速发展,作为传统外交的补充形式,公共外交在塑造国家形象、建立国家间互信方面扮演了重要角色。本文从介绍公共外交理论开始,探讨中国对东南亚国家公共外交的实践,并就中国对东南亚的公共外交提出建议。     

俄越防务合作的现状、动向与影响

近年来俄越防务合作发展迅速,规模和层次都达到了较高水平,在海军和空军领域尤其明显。俄越防务合作是俄罗斯重塑大国地位,实现国家复兴过程中,扩大政治影响,拓展安全空间,获取经济实利的重要战略手段,也是越南实施大国平衡外交,不断扩充国防力量,尤其为开发海洋经济提供安全保障的重要措施。尽管不断加强和深化防务合作关系是俄越两国的基本共识,但也面临着俄罗斯武器价格波动较大、越南的防务合作伙伴日趋多元化等现实问题。俄越防务合作关系的迅速发展和不断深化,将不可避免地影响到地区安全局势,加大东南亚乃至东亚地区军备竞赛的风险,不利于东盟集体安全机制的建立,对于和平解决南海问题也有消极作用,对中俄关系是一种潜在的不稳定因素。     

试析冷战后台湾对欧盟的“外交”

冷战后,随着欧盟政经影响力的不断扩大,从李登辉、陈水扁到马英九各个时期,台湾当局都非常重视对欧盟的＂外交＂,将欧盟视为继美、日之后的＂重点工作对象＂,采取多种形式,不断推动台湾与欧盟实质关系的发展。从欧盟来看,基于经贸利益的诱因及对台湾民主化的认同,在＂政经分离＂的外交政策下,也有意加强与台湾的关系。本文试图勾勒冷战后台湾当局对欧盟＂外交＂的基本轨迹,探讨台当局对欧＂外交＂的主要形式,并分析推动台湾与欧盟关系发展的因素及制约。     

The Impact of the USSR on Lithuania's Domestic Policy and Its International Orientation in the Third Decade of the Twentieth Century

This article investigates links between domestic and foreign policy, topics which are usually discussed rather than analyzed in any detail. The case of the USSR and Lithuania is taken as an historical example of the impact of the external factor on domestic policy, and an attempt is made to elucidate how the Soviets tried to influence and correct Lithuania's policy in the inter-war period by providing financial assistance to parties and their press. In this way they sought to set Lithuania against Poland and fuel the conflict between them, so that they would not become reconciled, would not create the so-called Baltic Union with Latvia, Estonia and Finland and would not orient themselves to the West. Using financial and other levers of secret policy, the Soviets contributed significantly to pushing the pro-Western Christian Democratic Party away from power in Lithuania so that the Nationalists, who sought to establish closer relations with the USSR, came to be established. The overseas financing of parties which remained unknown to the public distorted the political process of Lithuania and hindered the maturing of social awareness.     

日侨遣返交涉的民间外交

中华人民共和国成立后，新中国政府与日本民间三团体就日侨遣返问题进行了交涉。日侨遣返交涉是中日民间外交的成功典范。     

Motivations behind China’s Foreign Oil Quest: A Perspective from the Chinese Government and the Oil Companies

China’ economic boom has produced a surging appetite for fossil fuels, particularly oil. To foster and sustain its economic development, China has taken a series of steps to quench its thirst for energy. The most striking measure is its high-profile oil diplomacy, centering on the goal of gaining more secure national control of overseas oil and gas supplies. Why has China chosen oil diplomacy over directly purchasing oil on the international market? And why does one prefer direct control of oil and gas? This paper attempts to address China’s motivations from the perspectives of both the central government and the national oil companies (NOCs). It is argued that China’s oil diplomacy has been driven not only by the government’s learning skill and strategic concerns, but also by the NOCs’ strong commercial motives to expand business abroad and their management’s personal incentive. Although both actors have common stakes in securing oil and gas from abroad, this by no means can guarantee that the NOCs will obediently follow state orders.

     

区域功能性合作与日本的文化外交——以吴哥古迹保护修复为中心

对于吴哥古迹的保护修复是日本在东亚开展功能性合作的重要案例。从区域公共产品的理论视角而言,这一案例体现出明显的"加权汇总"的供给方式。在其具体实践中又具有三个特点:通过知识传授和技术交流加强柬埔寨的自主能力;技术、经验、制度和设备等国内"比较优势"的区域性外化;多元主体的协同互补。因此,吴哥古迹保护修复成为战后日本文化外交和区域合作政策相结合的成功典型,对于日本改善国际形象、增强区域影响力、提升日柬双边关系起到了积极的作用。     

Destined for deadlock? Russia,Ukraine, and the unfulfilled Minsk agreements

ABSTRACT

Bringing peace, security, and stability to the war-torn region of Donbas has proven to be a challenging – some would say near-impossible – task. The “Minsk II” agreement, signed in February 2015, was supposed to put an end to the armed hostilities, resolve the underlying political issues, and gradually restore Ukrainian government control of the country’s eastern border. None of this has happened. Despite continuous Western support and pressure, progress in the implementation of the peace plan signed in Minsk has been slow, also after the much-anticipated Paris summit of the “Normandy Four” (Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and France) in December 2019. This article discusses the underlying causes of the current stalemate, emphasizing factors such as the inherently complex nature of the conflict, the process through which “Minsk II” came into being, the vague and ambiguous language of this and other agreements, practical challenges related to the timing and sequencing of agreed-upon measures, and Russia’s persistent non-acknowledgement of its role in the conflict.     

蒙古国“多支点”外交战略与大国关系

前苏联解体和冷战结束后 ,地处中俄之间的蒙古国放弃了长期奉行的“一边倒”外交政策 ,制定了均衡发展与中俄两大邻国关系。同时 ,发展与美日等西方大国关系以及立足亚太地区的“多支点”外交战略。目前 ,蒙古国与南北两个邻国建立了蒙中睦邻互信伙伴关系和蒙俄睦邻传统伙伴关系 ,与美国发展战略伙伴关系 ,与日本确立了综合性伙伴关系。蒙古积极发展与大国的均衡关系 ,其意义在于 ,保障国家的独立、安全和未来发展 ,扩大自身活动空间 ,提高其国际地位 ,而且利用与大国的均势平衡使其相互牵制 ,以便从中获取更多利益。