从欧盟的扩大分析俄罗斯的欧盟战略

欧盟一直以来都是俄罗斯重要的战略伙伴,特别是在欧盟扩大以后,欧盟和俄罗斯的关系变得更加微妙。俄罗斯因此调整了自己的基本战略来应对这一变化,而双方的交往历史和交往过程成为了这一变化的重要依据,而且俄罗斯也在不断加强和欧盟的交流,争取和欧盟进一步的对话,以期构建两者之间更加和谐的关系。     

Rape of the Congo: Understanding sexual violence in the conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo

Though the occurrence of rape in the conduct of war is by no means historically new, research into its causes and functions has only really begun in the past couple of decades. War rape is a difficult phenomenon about which to generalise, considering the variances in context and actors involved. This article, however, attempts to synthesise existing literature through the analysis of a case study that can enhance our understanding of rape as a weapon of war and the contextual conditions that facilitate its use. Applying this theoretical framework to the extreme war rape occurring in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), this article offers insight into understanding the function of sexual violence in the ongoing conflict in the DRC. In particular, this article argues that the use of rape as a weapon in the Congo's bloody war must be understood in relation to both social constructs of masculinity and the politics of exploitation that have shaped much of the country's history.     

‘The state starts from the family’: peace and harmony in Tajikistan's eastern Pamirs

Based on anthropological fieldwork between 2008 and 2011, this article focuses on how people in Tajikistan's eastern Pamirs conceptualize well-being through the establishment of peace and harmony. An exploration of the interactional use of the terms ‘peace’ and ‘harmony’ in Kyrgyz and Tajik (tynchtyk, yntymak, tinji, and vahdat) makes manifest that the meanings of these terms are connected to the fields of ‘family’, ‘leadership’, and ‘state’. Basing their reasoning on the officially promoted analogy between family and state, people in the eastern Pamirs distinguish between social spaces that are related to well-being and those that are not. As a factor of distinction, and crucial to the establishment of peace and harmony, the moral quality of leadership plays an important role. Positive experiences of such leadership as balanced and morally pure are mainly identified and witnessed within families and neighbourhoods and only occasionally in state institutions. This discrepancy raises the question of where to locate boundaries between good and bad, moral and immoral, harmonious and conflictual. Thus, this article contributes not only to the study of local concepts of well-being in Central Asia but also to the study of local concepts of ‘ill-being’ which challenge them.     

The significance of the Cracow summit

This article assesses whether the EU contributes to long-term positive change in societies emerging from violent conflict, helping them ‘mend’ or whether it simply encourages societies to ‘make do’ with the status quo. To do so, the article focuses on two of the principles found in the Treaty, peace and justice for human rights violations. It examines how the EU translates the principles of peace and justice into policy and puts them into practice by analyzing EU engagement in peace mediation, transitional justice, and security sector reform in general and through in-depth examination of EU engagement in the Democratic Republic of Congo. It questions the prevailing discourse that greater inter-institutional coherence would improve EU security provision and considers whether and how the EU prioritizes between peace and justice. The article finds that principles may be translated into policy and put into practice, and practice is often ahead of policy. But this is uneven within as well as across the institutions. Greater coherence between principle, policy, and practice, rather than between institutions, would improve EU security provision and enable prioritization. If the EU settles for making do, it undermines its considerable potential to contribute to long-term solutions to complex conflicts.     

Prosecuting and Defending Diplomats as War Criminals: Ribbentrop at the Nuremberg Trials

This article considers the question of holding foreign ministers responsible for war crimes. A recent decision by the International Court of Justice, the Arrest Warrant case, Congo v Belgium, appears to have diluted the developing international customary rule that suspends immunity when a grave international crime has been committed. This article suggests that the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal decision in the Ribbentrop Case constitutes a precedent for how international criminal law should interpret the nature and scope of the immunity for foreign ministers. As a successful prosecution of Hitler’s former foreign minister, it is remarkable how little attention has been paid to this aspect of the Ribbentrop Case given that it was a path-breaking decision. For that reason, the present article is a case study of this example where prosecutors at an international criminal tribunal were able to successfully prosecute a foreign minister in a manner that may, therefore, still prove instructive given the existing legal position following the Arrest Warrant Case. The article considers in detail how Ribbentrop’s defence lawyers constructed a series of arguments that the prosecution were, however, largely able to demolish through resort to a variety of strategies. Dr Michael Salter is Professor of Law at the Lancashire Law School, University of Central Lancashire, United Kingdom; Dr Lorie Charlesworth is Senior Lecturer at the Law School, Liverpool John Moores University, United Kingdom.     

论有组织犯罪的东西方认识

有组织犯罪是当今世界共同关注的热点问题,也是犯罪学理论研究的重大课题.通过东西方国家对有组织犯罪的认识和理解,揭示有组织犯罪的一般特征.     

苏联对意大利和东欧政策研究（1943—1947年）

在意大利战后安排问题上,苏联同美英两国的争斗早在二战后期就已经开始。意大利问题主要是战前殖民地等问题。出于利用英美矛盾为自己谋利的目的,苏联并不打算削弱意大利。由于英美两国在处理意大利问题上具有优先权,只允许苏联名义上参与意大利事务,并没有实际发言权,导致苏联在意大利问题上的变化以及在东欧问题上的强硬,美苏矛盾趋于尖锐化。苏联战后安全带政策目的是将东欧纳入自己的势力范围。苏联对意大利政策与对东欧政策是紧密联系在一起的。苏联从起初的不打算削弱意大利转变为不过分削弱意大利的政策,正是用来控制东欧并使其成为自己势力范围的政治筹码。这也成为美苏冷战的起源之一。     

Ghana and the United Nations’ 1960s mission in the Congo: a Pan-African explanation

Abstract

This paper examines Ghana’s engagement in the United Nations (UN) mission during the Congo political crisis in the 1960s. The paper examines competing rationales behind Ghana’s decision to contribute towards the UN operation in the Congo. Ghana’s participation, to date, has been primarily understood through the lens of anti-colonial sentiment, African solidarity and regional influence. This article argues that in addition to these explanations, more attention must be paid to the value attached to pan-Africanism and the post-independence political union agenda of President Kwame Nkrumah. The article demonstrates how for Nkrumah, an operation under the aegis of the UN would prevent the powers of the Cold War (the United States and the Soviet Union) from interfering with the right of independent self-determination within Congo affairs. The UN mission, I contend, was a window of opportunity for Nkrumah’s larger pan-African ambition. Although Nkrumah’s mission failed, the article argues for the normative value of Nkrumah’s pan-African vision of promoting a regional structure to unify the African states as an important reason for Ghana’s participation in the Congo operation.     

文明融合:全球化视角下的东方文化创新

在 2 1世纪 ,东西方文化的交流与融合很可能综合出人类更新、更高的文化成果 ,成为带动人类进步的重要精神力量。在全球化的背景下 ,中华文化将随着现代化的创新进程走向世界 ,成为人类赖以生存和发展的宝贵精神财富。     

俄国与“东方问题”的形成

"东方问题"是近代国际关系史中的一个重大问题.在土耳其帝国日薄西山的过程中,欧洲列强开始了争夺帝国遗产的斗争.其中,俄国是瓜分土耳其的总导演.叶卡捷琳娜二世发动的1787-1791年俄土战争是"东方问题"最后形成的标志.