发展民族文化产业是云南经济结构调整的理性选择

民族文化产业是云南经济结构调整中的优势产业。当前 ,我国经济正步入新的发展阶段 ,经济结构面临着重大的战略性调整。云南作为中西部欠发达的少数民族地区 ,同样面临着结构调整问题。在西部大开发中 ,如何做好产业选择 ,找到特色 ,增强云南经济的竞争力 ,是云南经济发展的关键。发展民族文化产业 ,是云南经济结构调整的理性选择之一。     

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights at Seventy: Rejuvenate or Retire?*

This lecture marks the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) with an analysis of the Declaration's contemporary relevance. It considers whether, in today's turbulent and fractured political environment in which human rights abuses remain widespread, the UDHR still has a role to play. A case is made that the UDHR was, in fact, written precisely for a moment like now. The lecture starts by considering the important legal impact of the UDHR, whilst acknowledging that the legal enforcement of human rights sometimes overshadows the emotions of care and empathy that lie at the heart of both the Declaration and the whole concept of human rights. It then emphasises the significant role the UDHR has played in giving individuals a voice to hold states accountable. Finally, it explores the UDHR's ethical and inspirational vision that helped to create a baseline of norms and standards aimed at promoting diversity, mutual respect and peace. For all these reasons, the UDHR most certainly needs to be rejuvenated rather than retired.     

Economic grievances and political protest

How do economic grievances affect citizens’ inclination to protest? Given rising levels of inequality and widespread economic hardship in the aftermath of the Great Recession, this question is crucial for political science: if adverse economic conditions depress citizens’ engagement, as many contributions have argued, then the economic crisis may well feed into a crisis of democracy. However, the existing research on the link between economic grievances and political participation remains empirically inconclusive. It is argued in this article that this is due to two distinct shortcomings, which are effectively addressed by combining the strengths of political economy and social movement theories. Based on ESS and EU-SILC data from 2006–2012, as well as newly collected data on political protest in 28 European countries, a novel, more fine-grained conceptualisation of objective economic grievances considerably improves our understanding of the direct link between economic grievances and protest behaviour. While structural economic disadvantage (i.e., the level of grievances) unambiguously de-mobilises individuals, the deterioration of economic prospects (i.e., a change in grievances) instead increases political activity. Revealing these two countervailing effects provides an important clarification that helps reconcile many seemingly conflicting findings in the existing literature. Second, the article shows that the level of political mobilisation substantially moderates this direct link between individual hardship and political activity. In a strongly mobilised environment, even structural economic disadvantage is no longer an impediment to political participation. There is a strong political message in this interacting factor: if the presence of organised and visible political action is a decisive signal for citizens that conditions the micro-level link between economic grievances and protest, then democracy itself – that is, organised collective action – can help sustain political equality and prevent the vicious circle of democratic erosion.     

Political support among winners and losers: Within- and between-country effects of structure,process and performance in Europe

Why is the winner-loser gap in political support wider in some countries and narrower in others? Previous studies have focused on how the input side of political systems (i.e., the institutional structure) affects the winner-loser gap. This study suggests that one should also consider the output side (i.e., the quality of political process and economic performance) and posits that two mechanisms – rational and psychological – can explain how output factors affect the gap. Going beyond previous research, this article also considers whether contextual characteristics explain the variation in the gap not only between countries, but also within them. Applying mixed models to survey data from 30 European countries between 2002 and 2015, the study finds that the differences in support between winners and losers across countries are smaller in consensual systems, as in these contexts the support among losers is higher. However, changes in the institutional structure do not explain the over-time variation in the winner-loser gap. Moreover, increasing quality of process and economic performance do not attenuate the gap across countries and over time, as they affect positively the political support of both winners and losers. The study shows which contextual factors explain the winner-loser gap and points to the conditions that increase losers’ consent, which is a crucial element of democratic legitimacy.     

我国对外经济发展方式的战略转变

近些年来,我国经济发展不仅取得了举世瞩目的成就,同时也加快了我国经济发展方式的转变,增强了综合国力,获得了极大的经济效益。但是现阶段,在我国对外经济发展方式转变的过程中,在制度环境和经济环境的角度等方面,仍然存在一系列的问题。分析我国对外经济发展方式的特点,探索我国对外经济发展方式存在的问题和转变的制约因素,总结我国对外经济发展方式转变的战略选择,对我国对外经济发展方式的战略转变进行研究有一定的理论价值。     

Taxing Fracking: The Politics of State Severance Taxes in the Shale Era

States producing gas and oil have long levied severance taxes at the point of extraction, commonly placing most revenues into general funds. These taxes have assumed new meaning in many states amid the expansion of gas and oil production accompanying the advent of hydraulic fracturing. We reviewed all major statutes and constitutional amendments related to severance taxes that were enacted at the state level during the first decade of the “shale era” (2005–14). There have been only modest adjustments in statutory tax rates and some evidence that states have attempted to reduce these rates, possibly in response to growing national production. In turn, there is also evidence that states have begun to pursue more targeted strategies for revenue use, including some expanded focus on responding to the negative externalities linked to drilling, expanded revenue sharing with localities, and increased long‐term protection of resources through state trust funds.     

多元社会治理中政府主导作用探析

在多元复合治理体系的建设中,既需要以社会组织为代表的社会力量发挥主体作用,更需要政府发挥主导作用。政府在社会治理中的主导作用,不仅是对传统社会管理方式的自我扬弃,而且是对新的社会治理方式的积极创新,但目前对这个问题的研究还很不够。为此,就迫切需要正确认识和把握政府在多元社会治理中主导作用的科学性内涵、理论合理性和现实必要性等。对政府在多元社会治理中主导作用的探索与研究,对创新社会治理体系、提高社会治理水平、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化等,均具有重要的参考价值和借鉴意义。     

黑龙江省对俄经贸合作现状分析

黑龙江省与俄罗斯毗邻,对俄贸易合作具有地缘、产业互补和双方政策等优势,但是受种种因素的制约,双方贸易发展并未取得大的进展。分析黑龙江省对俄经贸合作的特点和存在的制约因素,进而提出相应的对策,有助于促进我省对俄经贸合作决策的科学化。     

基于锦赤铁路的区域经济战略合作问题研究

区域经济一体化是指一些地理相近的国家或地区间通过加强经济合作,为谋求风险成本和机会成本的最小化和利益的最大化。在国家加快推进东北亚区域经济一体化背景下,以锦赤铁路为依托的区域经济合作,成为东北三省和蒙东加强合作的重要支撑点之一。从"港腹联动"与"蒙煤入海"双向需求为出发点,以锦赤铁路为辽蒙的纽带和桥梁,从战略和系统的角度,多层次构建和优化铁路沿线经济带的区域分工,拓宽合作渠道,以促进辽蒙经济实现可持续发展和区域一体化。     

俄罗斯气候政策转型的驱动因素及国际影响分析

作为世界第三大温室气体排放国和世界最大能源出口国,俄罗斯在国际气候协议谈判中的地位极其重要。自从梅德韦杰夫总统上任以来,俄罗斯政府一改过去的冷漠态度,在国内和国际两个层面采取了一系列行动,在应对气候变化问题上表现出积极的政治姿态,被国际社会解读为俄罗斯的气候政策出现了惊人的转型。分析俄罗斯气候政策转型的各种驱动因素以及由此带来的国际影响,对研究未来国际气候体制的发展趋势具有重要意义。