我国选举体制存在问题分析

选举的重要性在我国民主政治建设进程中日渐突出。我国以人民代表大会制度为主的选举体制取得了很大成功 ,但仍存在着选举范围窄、流于形式等问题。要考虑实行人大代表专职化和人大会议常设化 ,以充分发挥人大在国家政治运行中的核心作用     

2003年深圳市区级人大代表竞选现象的政治解读

在2003年深圳市区级人民代表大会代表换届选举中，出现了一些“民荐候选人”或“自荐候选”，体现了我国民主政治发展的民间动力和社会基础日益增强，激活了现行体制和本制度中内在的民主基因，催生着有中国特色社会主义的民主竞选制度。通过这次选举，可以看出，民主政治是需要在实践中不断学习的利益协调机制，民主政治的健康发展，必须防止金钱的腐蚀和干扰，公正地保护弱势群体的应有权利。     

台湾地区领导人竞选广告研究

本文研究了2000-2008年三次台湾地区领导人竞选中,国民党和民进党的竞选广告.目的是分析国民党和民进党两党在三次竞选中的竞选策略变化,印证现代竞选广告的一般规律,考察台湾竞选生态.结果表明,台湾竞选广告基本遵循了现代竞选广告的一般规律,但是台湾报纸竞选广告数量呈现下降趋势,与现代竞选活动中对广告的重视程度相矛盾;对负面广告的运用虽然更加慎重,但其仍是主要的广告类型.最后结合台湾地区的政治环境和政党特征对结论进行了讨论.     

Fighting for a name on the ballot: constituency-level analysis of nomination violence in Zambia

ABSTRACT

What factors increase the likelihood of nomination violence? Nomination violence can be an expression of both horizontal conflict, between local political elites, and vertical conflict, between national and local elites. We theorize about factors that may increase the risks of vertical and horizontal conflict and leverage a unique dataset of constituency-level nomination violence obtained from surveys with 464 domestic election observers active in the 2016 Zambian general election. Our statistical analyses show constituencies with an incumbent standing for re-election were more likely to experience nomination violence. Also, contrary to previous research on general election violence, we theorize and find that more rural constituencies had a higher propensity for nomination violence than urban constituencies. Our findings highlight the importance of intra-party power relations and the bargaining relationship between the centre and periphery.     

Something Alien? The Limits of U.S. Influence in UK Campaigns

The campaign consulting business in the United States is the largest in the world and has had some success in globally exporting its expertise in terms of both personnel and technique. This paper reflects on the so-called “Americanization” of British elections and draws attention to some of the significant landmarks in the relationship between strategists in the two countries. The discussion does, however, identify the limitations of this idea as an organizing concept for understanding how election campaigning has developed in the United Kingdom.     

The times they are a-changin’: party campaign strategies in the 2018 Italian election

Abstract

The 2018 Italian election produced striking results, with both a historic success for the two challenger parties (League and M5S) and massive defeats for the two mainstream parties (PD and FI). This article analyses party campaign strategies and their consistency with the opportunity structures provided by the configuration of Italian public opinion. Relying on issue-yield theory, original survey data were collected for both issue support and priority among Italian voters, and party emphases on issues in the electoral campaign – through Twitter data. The findings indicate a generalised ideological inconsistency of the constituencies of the main parties, while campaign strategies appear much more ideologically consistent. Moreover, it is found that parties focused mostly on conflict-mobilisation strategies, rather than on problem solving. Finally, the article shows that, in general, parties acted strategically, by aligning their campaign to the available opportunities, although with relevant variations across parties.     

Domestic migrants' responsiveness to electoral mobilization under authoritarianism: Evidence from China's grassroots elections

This study examines citizens' responsiveness to electoral mobilization under authoritarianism by studying the turnout of domestic migrants in China's grassroots elections. While a large literature on authoritarian elections has focused on coercion and material benefits as tactics dictators often use to promote turnout, we argue that social pressure from the community and its leaders plays a crucial role in mobilizing authoritarian constituents. Employing data from the China Labor Dynamics Survey (2012), we show that migrants who share traits with local residents, such as dialect, are more likely to be mobilized to vote, because they are more responsive to local cadres' mobilization efforts and feel more connected to the community. Conversely, we find no support for an explanation rooted in channels of communication. We confirm the findings using an instrumental variable approach. Our findings imply that street-level mobilization for authoritarian elections takes advantage of various social factors in more subtle and embedded ways than is typically assumed.     

喀什师范学院,新疆喀什844000

贿选是当前严重危害政治民主的腐败现象。现行法律中将贿选视为破坏选举罪的行为方式之一,然而,贿选的社会危害性远不是破坏选举罪所能涵盖的。贿选与贿赂罪在罪质上具有同一性,在行为方式上具有相似性,为切实发挥法律对贿选的遏止作用,建议单独设置选举贿赂罪,并将其归之于贿赂罪这一类罪名中。     

对农村“先富群体”竞选“村官”的法律思考

随着改革开放的深入和市场经济的发展,农村"先富群体"争当"村官"的现象十分普遍,已成为农村基层组织建设的显著特点;标志着村委会干部类型正在由道德权威型向经济能人型转变,是农村政治社会发展的一个方向。但其中也存在诸如贿选、选举纠纷的解决等一些问题。因此,必须健全法律制度,以期达到规范农村选举,加快农村法治化建设进程的效果。     

着力构建地方党委换届的民主保障机制

今明两年将要完成的地方党委换届是我们党内民主生活中的一件大事,换届进行得顺利和成功与否,都取决于我们在换届中是否真正体现了党内民主,因此,构建有效的民主保障机制是其中的关键。我们既要注重从提名、考察、选举三个主要环节构建换届的民主保障机制,同时也要注意把发扬民主和坚持党的领导、坚持依法办事结合起来。