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191.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1-2):62-85
ABSTRACT

Speculation about the relationship between Barack Obama's election to the presidency and race in the United States was rife prior to, during and after his successful campaign. King looks at three aspects of this issue. First, as a kind of outsider, Obama had to prove himself black enough for African Americans of the traditional sort and not too dangerous for Whites. How did he achieve this? Second, Obama's election was made possible by changes in the voting behaviour of white Americans, particularly in the North, and the way that African Americans like Obama gained a foothold in, and at times control of, urban political machines, such as, in his case, Chicago. How have American historians treated this shift in white voting behaviour? Finally, the central question of how race still impinges on President Obama's performance as president. King concludes with a look at issues such as colour blindness and whiteness, the nature of black political identity and solidarity, and the variety of political roles from which a black leader such Obama can choose.  相似文献   
192.
公推直选是近年来党内民主发展的突出标志。作为基层党组织选举改革的主导方法,公推直选带有"组合式"选举的特征,它实现了竞争性选举与组织选拔制度的结合,组织选拔、群众参与和党员选举的组合,以及党内民主对人民民主的带动。然而,这一选举模式也潜在地隐含着竞争选举与组织选拔、党内民主与人民民主的内在张力。推动公推直选改革的深入,需要不断规范公推直选的操作机制,推进公推直选的制度化及配套制度建设,同时要适时地推进公推直选在地方党委的试点工作,不断拓展公推直选的适用范围。  相似文献   
193.
Do voters hold local officials accountable for government performance? Using over a decade of panel data on school district elections and academic achievement in California, I causally identify the effect of test score changes on school board incumbent re‐election rates and show that incumbents are more likely to win re‐election when test scores improve in their districts—but only in presidential election years. This effect disappears in midterm and off‐years, indicating that election timing might facilitate local government accountability.  相似文献   
194.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(1-2):155-175
ABSTRACT

Barack Obama was more successful in the South in the 2008 election than many previous Democratic presidential nominees had been. While John McCain continued Republican dominance in the conservative region, it was a major breakthrough for a northern liberal Democrat, especially an African American from Illinois, to win three southern states and secure 55 electoral votes. Florida, North Carolina and Virginia were good opportunities for Obama because, demographically, they had come to resemble other large states outside the South. In these ‘converging’ southern states, the Latino and Asian communities had grown substantially. The percentage of college-educated Whites had increased and there had been large-scale migration from other regions of the country. The states that Obama won in the South were not as ‘southern’ as they once were. In some southern states, those called the ‘neo-Confederate South’ in this article, white support for Obama was less than John Kerry had received in 2004. This decline in white voting for the Democratic presidential nominee occurred despite the difficult economic times that enveloped the country in the months preceding the election, and the general unpopularity of the incumbent Republican administration headed by George W. Bush. Some of these states, like Alabama, Arkansas, Louisiana and Mississippi, had been among the most intransigent states in resisting the claims of the civil rights movement for social and political equality for African Americans in the 1950s and 1960s. In the future it may be more accurate to speak of more than one South, rather than refer to the region as an undifferentiated whole.  相似文献   
195.
196.
After uprooting Saddam Hussein from power, establishing democracy in Iraq has been declared among the most important objectives of the U.S.-led Coalition. However, the Coalition has encountered complex ethnic and religious relations and resentment of foreign intervention in Iraq. These reactions reflect decades, even centuries, of divisive and antagonistic policies whose impacts continue to complicate and threaten coexistence and civil peace. The immediate challenge of achieving stability and peace in Iraq, therefore, rests in the ability to foster a genuinely indigenous institutional political structure that can accommodate the different ethnic and sectarian aspirations. This article highlights the major potential shortcomings of the federal model established by the "Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for The Transitional Period." It also examines the shortcomings of the List Proportional Representation system as presented by the United Nations for Iraq's transition, and alternatively proposes national electoral reform strategies, with the implementation of an Alternative Vote system with Minority Provision in the election to the National Assembly, as a means to strengthen Iraq's national unity.  相似文献   
197.
"三个代表"重要思想解决了"建设什么样的党,怎样建设党的问题",为新世纪党的建设指明了方向.按照"三个代表"要求,加强党的自身建设,关键在于能否与时俱进,不断进行党内制度创新.尤其要集中精力对民主集中制决策制度、监督制度、选举制度进行探索创新.  相似文献   
198.
Oren Gruenbaum 《圆桌》2019,108(4):345-353
  相似文献   
199.
Using randomized experimentation, this study of a municipal election in Central California examines the effects of face-to-face canvassing on voter turnout. This is the first randomized experiment to focus on Latino voter mobilization. Building on previous field experimentation, this study focuses on a local school board election held in Dos Palos, CA. Two kinds of appeals were made to potential voters: one emphasized ethnic solidarity; the other emphasized civic duty. Canvassing was remarkably successful; voters who were contacted were significantly more likely to vote. The mobilization effort had a particularly large effect on the turnout of Latino Democrats.  相似文献   
200.
村民自治是中国政治体制改革的一项重要内容,是依法行政,依法治国的最广泛的实践,村民自治的核心是民主选举、民主决策、民主管理和民主监督,民主选举是村民自治的关键环节,然而在现实中出现了很多问题,如贿选问题、宗族问题、基层政权介入问题等。只有正确认识和处理这些问题,民主选举才能顺利进行。  相似文献   
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