Professionalization of Political Communication

Abstract

Americanization of Western European election campaigns has frequently been discussed, particularly in the media, but rarely defined. This article argues that the concept of professionalization better encompasses the process of change that can be observed in electoral communication. Professionalization is here regarded as a process by which the political actors adapt their strategies to changes in society and in the political system as well as to changes in the media system. The campaign of the German Social Democratic Party (SPD) for the 1998 Federal Election is here described as an example of professionalized electioneering.     

Hunting the Elusive Young Voter

Abstract

It is generally assumed that mobilizing young voters is infeasible. This belief can be broken into two separate questions: (1) Are young people responsive to Get Out The Vote appeals? (2) Is it possible to deliver the message to the intended audience? By pooling together the results of six GOTV field experiments, this paper demonstrates that young voters are equally responsive to blandishments to vote as mature voters, but that they are roughly three times more difficult to contact.     

Die Bedeutung des regionalen Kontexts für die programmatische Positionierung von Schweizer Kantonalparteien1

Zusammenfassung: In Mehrebenensystemen agierende Parteien sind mit sozialstrukturell sehr unterschiedlich zusammengesetzten Wählerschaften konfrontiert. Da für regionale Parteigliederungen – insbesondere in föderal organisierten Demokratien – der Wettbewerb um Wählerstimmen zuvorderst innerhalb der Grenzen der jeweiligen Region stattfindet, müssen sie den unterschiedlich zusammengesetzten Elektoraten differenzierte inhaltliche Angebote machen, die auf die spezifischen Präferenzen der Wählerschaft eingehen. Wir evaluieren diese Überlegungen am Beispiel der Schweiz als einem Mehrebenensystem, in dem sich die Wählerschaft von Kanton zu Kanton in ihrer sprachlichen, konfessionellen und sozioökonomischen Struktur deutlich unterscheidet. Dabei nehmen wir eine Analyse der programmatischen Dokumente der Schweizer Parteien auf kantonaler Ebene vor, um deren inhaltliche Präferenzen zu bestimmen. Die dabei herangezogenen Wahlprogramme von kantonalen Parteigliederungen sind eine bisher wenig beachtete Quelle zur Bestimmung von Parteipositionen, die jedoch gerade für die Arbeiten zur subnationalen Politik grosses Potential bietet. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich sozialstrukturelle Eigenschaften der Wählerschaft eines Kantons in der Tat in den programmatischen Positionen der Kantonalparteien widerspiegeln. So sind Parteien in der französischsprachigen Schweiz wirtschaftspolitisch “linker”, wohingegen die Parteien in ländlichen Kantonen tendenziell konservativere Haltungen in Fragen der Gesellschaftspolitik einnehmen.     

Race,Partisanship, and Political Trust Following <Emphasis Type="Italic">Bush versus Gore</Emphasis> (2000)

In contrast to what we know about the sources of political trust among whites, recent research suggests that political mistrust among blacks indicates discontent with the political system. The current study adds to research investigating racial differences in political trust by examining racial differences in the influence of the 2000 United States presidential election on political trust. Specifically, I test for whether whites and blacks adjusted their trust in government in response to the Supreme Court’s decision in Bush versus Gore (2000) and whether the influence of the Court’s decision on trust was dependent on partisan identification. The findings indicate that blacks perceived the Court’s decision as illegitimate, reinforcing their mistrust in their political system.

Re-examining the evidence on the electoral impact of terrorist attacks: The Spanish election of 2004

This paper re-examines the electoral effect of the 11-M terrorist attacks in Madrid. Previous research has focused on post-electoral surveys to construct counterfactuals for the evaluation of the electoral impact of the attack. Bali (Electoral Studies, 2007) claims that the terrorists attacks had an important electoral impact while Lago and Montero (2005) claim the opposite. In this paper I propose to re-examine the evidence using a methodological approach based on actual votes instead of opinions revealed by surveys, and the difference-in-differences estimator. The calculations under the counterfactual of “no terrorist attack” support the forecasts of the polls taken prior to the terrorist attack and the results of Bali (2007). The incumbent (conservative) party would have won the election with between 42% and the 45% of the votes, while the socialist party would have obtained 37% of the votes.     

Russia’s New Old President

正Vladimir Putin is elected Russian president for a third term The West and the opposition have denounced him as an "autocrat." But many Russians regard him as the hero of Russia and are crazy about him. Vladimir Putin declared victory in     

论农村换届选举的法律规制

选举是民主政治的基石。农村基层民主选举是农村基层民主建设的重要内容,搞好农村基层民主选举是建设稳定和谐、幸福的社会主义新农村重要举措。建立完善的农村选举制度和村务管理制度是有效防止少数人为追求非法利益,采取一些违法手段破坏农村的换届选举有力武器。     

中国法治困境的思考

中国建立社会主义市场经济所面临的最大障碍是中国传统文化以权力为核心的等级观念的历史延续与今天建立市场经济所需要的平等理念之间的冲突和矛盾。这同时也是中国法治面临的最大困境。本文试图通过对中西文化核心特征之比较分析,揭示中国在借鉴和移植西方法律过程中所面临的难题,并提出中国法治摆脱困境的对策设想,期待中国社会主义市场经济的和谐发展。     

投票与民主

作为主体的民众之所以投票,是为了实现"政治参与",并且这种政治参与并不限于投票行为.以投票人数的多寡来衡量某个地区的政治制度是否符合民主理念,不仅忽略了言论自由、个人利益等民主的必须内容,而且因为缺乏对其他民主内容的重视,造成对投票这一方式的迷信,甚至是对公民投票的利用.     

The House of Lords: A Deliberative Democratic Defence

This article defends the idea of an appointed House of Lords using deliberative democratic theory. The analysis suggests that while one might well think that current appointment procedures leave much to be desired, a reformed but still appointed House of Lords would be better at maximising the deliberative democratic qualities of inclusiveness and the scrutiny of arguments than a fully elected one; indeed, that election might do actual damage. It suggests that the debate thus far has been focused too narrowly on an outdated account of democracy, and too narrowly on the peculiarities of the House of Lords in isolation from its institutional context.