Party nationalization following democratization: modelling change in turbulent times

Which political parties grow more or less statically nationalized in the immediate aftermath of a democratic transition? What accounts for these changes? This is the first broadly cross-national analysis of this dimension of stabilization of the democratic regime. It uses a sample of 64 moderate and large political parties from 19 countries in South Europe and Latin America. In the first stage of the analysis, I use growth curve models on panels of district-level, lower house, election results to test each party for changes in static nationalization. Results show that 41% of the cases grow more nationalized, about 22% grow less nationalized, and the rest show no evidence of change. Then, I test explanations of increasing static nationalization derived from (a) the competitive context; (b) the institutional context; and (c) the social structural context. I find that parties become more nationalized when (a) they are jointly programmatic and in government, and the party system is less fragmented; (b) the political system is centralized and a presidential election is concurrent; and (c) society is less ethnically fragmented. Finally, I confirm that more statically nationalized parties are associated with a higher quality of democracy.     

DECODING MYANMAR’S 2015 ELECTION

The election helps the democratization process move forward. However, the nature of power transition suggests that some authoritarian elements are likely to remain entrenched. The article (which gives a full account of the election including the election process, the parties involved, the results and the negotiations following the elections including those involving Aung Sang Suu Kyi) argues that holding of a free and fair election is important for democratization but does not guarantee a successful transition to consolidated democracy.     

论市级以上人大代表补选中的选举机构

关于人大代表的补选活动,我国《选举法》第54条只规定了选举主体而未阐明选举机构,若有数量较大的人大代表资格丧失引发补选活动时,专门的选举机构就必不可少。此时可以参照《选举法》第8条,县级以下的人大代表补选活动由独立的选举委员会主持,市级以上的人大代表补选活动的选举机构为同级人大常委会。但当数量较多的市级以上的人大代表代表资格终止时其同级的人大常委会因成员不足而陷入瘫痪,无法履行其作为选举机构的职责,《选举法》对于这种情形的选举机构的规定尚存缺陷,因而需要结合实践中关于类似问题的应对措施从立法论角度对该法律漏洞进行弥补。     

民主·宪政民主及其低度程序法则

人是民主的目标,任何意义的民主都与人的生活方式有关;政府是民主的载体,民主是引领政府走向人道的唯一方法。民主政治的核心程序是竞争性的选举,但选举仅仅是一种低度的民主形式。宪政民主乃民主体制与宪政主义的有机结合,使它得以运转的低度程序法则,正是现代政府合法性的低度标准。     

扩大人大直接选举范围的思考

人大直接选举范围关系到一个国家的民主程度,当前我们有必要对我国选举法规定的直接选举范围进行扩大。本文首先阐明直接选举的含义,其次分析我国现行有关人大直接选举范围的法律规定及其缺陷,再次从几个方面论述扩大人大直接选举范围的必要性,最后提出扩大直接选举范围的设想。     

乡镇长直接选举与新农村建设——新农村与民主制度建设研究

管理民主作为新农村建设的总体要求之一,不单指村级的民主管理,也应该包括乡镇民主的内容。党中央关于“新农村建设”的重大举措的落实,需要通过乡镇直接选举加以保证。     

农村基层民主选举——成效、问题及应对

村民自治是我国农村在法治基础上的政治文明建设,而农村基层民主选举则是村民自治的前提,民主选举在很大程度上影响甚至决定村民自治能否真正实现。民主选举的现状如何?它存在那些问题?     

县级人大代表选举新现象的历史研究方法评析

在最近10多年的县级人民代表直接选举中,公民个人自主参与竞选县级人大代表从个人现象逐渐发展成为群体现象,这是中国基层政治民主发展的重大进步,引起国内学术界的高度关注,并形成一种历史分析方法。历史分析方法有其鲜明的问题意识、理论假设、具体研究方法,反映了学术界对县级人大代表选举分析的学理化深度。     

关于农村民主选举中监督主体的定位

监督是为了保证一项程序合法、公平、公正的进行,通过对程序的监控和督导来实现实体正义。我国农村民主选举是一种群众自治性质的选举,关系着我国的基层民主治理,因此应当得到广泛关注。我国的村民自治制度包括四个环节:民主选举、民主决策、民主管理、民主监督。其中,民主监督贯穿于民主自治的全过程。本文着眼于我国村民民主选举的现状,阐述并分析了我国农村民主选举监督主体定位的意义和角度,对农村民主选举提出了相应的对策。