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31.
There’s been relatively rare research on the internal governance of nonprofit organization, and for this, we should take the elite as an individual focus. Based on theories of multiply disciplines, three analytical paths are constructed: Elite dependency on value, elite dependency on resource, elite dependency on capability. The actual operational logic of nonprofit organization for social service is as follows: elite dependency on value determines elite dependency on resource; elite dependency on resource disturbs elite dependency on value; elite dependency on value determines elite dependency on capability; elite dependency means dependency on elite as well as informal relationship.  相似文献   
32.
现代科技的发展对当代审美化的影响是深远的,科学理性对传统审美表现理性的入侵,极大变革了传统的审美理念,经典的审美观走向沦落;科技带来诗播媒介的改变,导致审美从精英走向大众,同时,先进的科技对中国传统审美化的破坏作用亦不容忽视。认清这种双重作用,有助于我们建立一个富有中国特色的当代审美化。  相似文献   
33.
苏联解体后,在后苏联空间国家突然拥有国家主权的条件下,新政治精英需要建立一个新的政治-法律空间。对这些国家而言,设计与现实相适应的政治-法律制度、建立稳定的国家体制、制定和实施有效的国家政策的过程过于拖延,前景令人质疑,而且即将面临政治代际更替的全新挑战。后苏联空间非常复杂,但也因此是研究和政治设计的重要地区。20多年的实践表明,不应期待后苏联空间的快速转型。大多数后苏联空间国家未完成国家建设和制度建设,这使形势复杂化,可能导致巨大的变数,包括冲突和诉诸武力。但是,外部环境仍逼迫变革。对于后苏联空间国家而言,变革具有政治理性化和政治制度形式化的目的,包括以法律形式固定政治制度和强制政治设计者更多地在正式法律范围内行事,而达到上述目的的选择包括革命性变革或"自上而下的革命"。  相似文献   
34.
作为连接城乡的纽带,农民工群体在社会主义新农村建设中发挥着不可替代的作用。随着改革开放的深入,农民工的地位与作用越来越凸显。但从社会地位来看,农民工群体处于一种"底层精英"的尴尬境地。一方面,他们在城市社会中处于社会的底层;另一方面,在农村社会中,他们却属于精英群体。农民工对新农村建设包括新农村经济建设、新农村政治建设和新农村文化建设三个方面所产生的影响是显而易见的。  相似文献   
35.
一个法官要公平正义地适用法律,职业化、精英化是必不可少的务件;而实现法官的职业化、精英化,又必然需要一个相对健全的法官教育培训机制.我国当前的法官培训教育机制还远远不能满足法官职业化、精英化的要求.在法官培训教育机制改革方面,我国要在立足本国国情的基础上,适当借鉴国外的先进经验.我国法官的教育培训机制改革应具体包括法官培训教育机构设置合理化、教育培训课程设置合理化和教育培训教师配置合理化等方面的改革和完善.  相似文献   
36.
20世纪美学理论研究在中国经历了一个以政为本向以人为本的旨趣转向过程,其间的一个不可回避的重要问题,就是如何摆脱传统工具论和本质论的封闭视野,向人文精神和独立的本体论回归,进而找到美学理论建构的基本立足点近年来出现的人文一本体论倾向,将在21世纪美学理论研究中愈来愈显示出强大生命力。  相似文献   
37.
Abstract

Drawing on data generated from semi-structured, one-to-one interviews in 2012, this article focuses on the attitudinal disposition toward homosexuality of 12 English academy level football players aged 14–15. Results highlight the presence of progressive attitudes toward homosexuality even though some of the youth feel they lack the agency to contest homophobia when espoused in their schools. Using a blend of two dominating masculinities theories, we use these interviews to highlight that boys in this setting are best understood as a complex imbrication of inclusivity yet socially-passive acceptance. We suggest that boys of this age are now primed for learning agency to contest the social marginalization of others.  相似文献   
38.
New divisions have emerged within the European Union over the handling of the recent migration crisis. While both frontline and favoured destination countries are called upon to deal with the number of migrants looking for international protection and better living conditions, no consensus has been reached yet on the quota-based mechanisms for the relocation of refugees and financial help to exposed countries proposed by the EU. Such mechanisms pose a trade-off for member states: the EU's response to the crisis offers help to countries under pressure, but it inevitably requires burden-sharing among all EU members and a limitation of their national sovereignty. Within this scenario, the article compares how public opinion and political elites in ten different EU countries view a common EU migration policy grounded on solidarity and burden-sharing. By tracing both within- and cross-national patterns of convergence (and divergence), the article shows that contextual factors influence policy preferences, with support for solidarity measures being stronger in countries with higher shares of illegal migrants and asylum seekers. While individuals’ predispositions, identity and ideological orientations account for both masses’ and elites’ attitudes towards burden-sharing measures, subjective evaluations and beliefs concerning the severity of the crisis provide additional and alternative explanations when looking at the public's preferences. In particular, it is found that concern about the flow of migrants to Europe consolidates the impact of contextual factors, whereas the overestimation of the immigrant population fosters hostility against solidarity measures, with both effects more pronounced as the country's exposure to the crisis increases. In the light of these results, the main implication of this study is that EU institutions have to primarily address entrenched beliefs and misperceptions about immigrants to enhance public support for a joint approach to migration.  相似文献   
39.
How do mainstream political executives cue their politicised constituencies on European integration? Moving beyond static expectations that EU politicisation induces executives to either undermine, defuse or defend integration, this article theorises executives’ incentives under different configurations of public and partisan Euroscepticism in their home countries. Expectations are tested on the sentiment and complexity that executives attach to European integration in almost 9,000 public speeches delivered throughout the Euro Crisis. It is found that national leaders faced with sceptical public opinion and low levels of partisan Euroscepticism rhetorically undermine integration, whereas European Commissioners faced with similar conditions are prone to defend it. These responses intensify disproportionally with growing public Euroscepticism, but are moderated by Eurosceptic party strength in surprising ways. When such challenger parties come closer to absorbing the Eurosceptic potential in public opinion, executive communication turns more positive again but also involves less clear rhetorical signals. These findings move beyond existing uniform expectations on mainstream responses to Eurosceptic challenges and highlight the relevance of different domestic configurations of EU politicisation.  相似文献   
40.
20世纪80年代以来,我国村社治理结构的转型反映了当代中国政治生活领域中"国家-社会"关系的调整和"民主-自治"的社会治理变迁.在这一过程中,处于乡村社区政治体系边界的乡村精英呈现出向多元化方向的发展.如何使乡村精英在数量和质量上得到保证并充分发挥其在农村中的"守门员"角色,以实现转型社会中所渗透于乡村社区的多种能量间的良性互动,将是乡村治理的一个关键,也是社会主义新农村建设的一个应有之义.  相似文献   
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