哈萨克斯坦石油精英及其对能源政策的影响

哈萨克斯坦是一个经济结构严重受制于能源经济和依靠石油寻租的油气生产国。国有大型油气公司的高级主管对该国的能源政策具有举足轻重的作用。石油精英通过与政治精英建立非正式的关系网络,不仅影响本国能源部门的发展,而且还介入政治决策和政治制度。而哈萨克斯坦普遍存在着制度的不透明性、法律的不确定性和总统决定的随意性,助长并养成了非正式政治体制的固化,加强了威权主义的趋势,并进一步鼓励寻租和腐败行为的延续。     

On either side of a moat? Elite and mass attitudes towards right and wrong

This article develops a cognitive institutionalist account of mass and elite evaluations of political ethics, which is tested on a new dataset from the United Kingdom. The analysis explores the extent of contemporary disagreement among British political elites and those they represent by comparing responses to questions asked in a representative survey of the public with similar questions asked of incumbent MPs and parliamentary candidates. There are systematic differences between members of the public, candidates and MPs at both aggregate and individual levels – differences which can be accounted for with reference to the framing effects of Parliament as an institution. Candidates for parliamentary office display significantly more tolerance of ethically dubious behaviour than other members of the public. Within the elite category, elected MPs exhibit more permissive ethical standards than those candidates who are unsuccessful.     

Elite Co-optation,Repression, and Coups in Autocracies

This article provides an explanation for the significant variation in coups in autocracies. The existing theoretical literature focuses on the strategies that leaders use to thwart mass mobilization and survive in power. However, most autocratic leaders lose power through a coup, indicating that the main threats to political survival in autocracies emerge from insiders and not from outside the incumbent coalition. This article focuses on leaders’ strategies to mitigate elite threats and argues that autocrats’ strategies of co-optation and repression within the ruling elite and the armed forces affect the risk of coups in opposite ways. Elected authoritarian legislatures are instruments that leaders employ to co-opt members of the incumbent coalition and are expected to decrease the likelihood of coups. In contrast, purges of insider actors constitute a repressive strategy that depletes bases of support and increases the risk of coups. We find empirical support for these hypotheses from a sample of all authoritarian regimes from 1950 to 2004.     

村庄体制外精英对乡村社会稳定的影响分析

村庄自治改革后，体制外精英大量融合到体制内，形成村庄精英治理结构。而体制外精英的赢利性本质未能使精英治理模式稳定运行，相反，隐藏着引发村庄社会不稳定的潜在因素，村民与体制外精英的对抗性矛盾凸现。在村庄政治秩序重建过程中，这一新张显的冲突关系需要加以引导，以促进村庄的和谐发展。     

精英的流变：20世纪公共传媒中的中国知识分子

20世纪初新式传媒的崛起构成了使现代知识分子形成的制度性媒介之一。通过大众传媒和知识分子的关联，基于公共传媒所营造的思想环境演变，以及随之展现的中国知识分子角色的变化，来审视知识分子在20世纪大时代变动下三含阶段的不同境遇，以此解析20世纪中国精英的流变及其和大众的关系。精英从高高在上的思想启蒙者到大众时代成为“多余人”，再到市场经济时代与大众平行互动的“媒介人”，这样的角色转变与所处的思想环境有巨大的关联。     

An analysis of news sources used in reports on slavery in the Sudan in the New York Times and Washington Post between 1986 and 2001

Abstract

For over 25 years the Sudan and the United States have had a contentious relationship. In 1986 several international human rights organisations pointed to the re-emergence of the practice of slavery in the Sudan. Past research by American media has shown that journalists tend to use routine channels and American government officials, especially those from the ‘golden triangle’ (the White House, Pentagon and State Department) when covering stories related to foreign countries. However, in the case of the Sudan there was no clear American foreign policy for an extended period of time. Consequently, there was a stark absence of reporting on the slavery issue in the two elite American newspapers (the New York Times and the Washington Post) examined in this study. Furthermore, even when the topic was covered the sources used defined the issue through an American perspective, rather than within an historical and geopolitical context.     

论现代政治体系中的政治录用

政治录用是政治系统为了填充体系中的政治角色对社会成员或组织进行的选择与诱导。它主要包括两种政治角色的录用，一种是公民角色的录用；一种是精英角色的录用。政治录用的标准在形式上分为政治标准与专业标准两个类型，二者相互矛盾又缺一不可。对于国家政权来说，政治录用具有保持政治体系的稳定性、提升公民政治素质、社会价值导向和政策制定的科学性与政策执行的有效性的功能，是一个国家政治制度延续的必要条件。     

Consequences of sexual harassment in sport for female athletes

Abstract

Sexual harassment research was first undertaken in the workplace and educational settings. Research on sexual harassment in sport is scarce but has grown steadily since the mid-1980s. Even so, very little is known about the causes and/or characteristics and/or consequences of sexual harassment in sport settings. This article reports on the findings from interviews with 25 elite female athletes in Norway who indicated in a prior survey (n = 572) that they had experienced sexual harassment from someone in sport. The consequences of the incidents of sexual harassment that were reported were mostly negative, but some also reported that their experiences of sexual harassment had had no consequences for them. ‘Thinking about the incidents’, a ‘destroyed relationship with the coach’, and ‘a more negative view of men in general’ were the most often negative consequences mentioned. In addition, a surprising number had chosen to move to a different sport or to drop out of elite sport altogether because of the harassment.     

Paradoxes of “Free Floating” and Controversy of Betrayal: Intellectuals' Reflections on Themselves Against the Background of Terror

Throughout the 1900s, intellectuals have been defined as a “privileged minority” (according to Chomsky), or as outsiders, whose “free floating” condition (Mannheim) guarantees their functioning as “custodians of values like reason and justice” (Hofstadter). Julien Benda accused intellectuals of betraying this mission. But, perhaps, betrayal is built into the very nature of their privileged position; perhaps, by pretending to be “free floating,” generations of intellectuals have actually been constructing predictable paradigms, using calamity as a new kind of raw material for the old myth of lucrimax (Etkind). The tragic experience of Russian intellectuals provides us with fresh insight for this discussion.