解读电子政务与电子政府

电子政务与电子政府是目前电子政务研究领域的两个主要概念。电子政务的重点在于“政务”,即政务的电子化;电子政府的重点则在于“政府”的电子化,意味着政府组织、结构相对于传统政府体制的变革,甚至触及整个政治体系的革新。把握两个概念及其关系的关键在于两者的范围或发展的阶段性。就我国当前而言,推广电子政务实务和使用电子政务概念更具有现实意义。     

对刑法上客体的再认识

从哲学理论上讲,客体就是行为作用、行为指向的对象,而作为法律关系内容的社会关系不过是为法律所刻意确认并加以调整,由一定的法律行为所引起的产物,这种社会关系本身不可能被行为所直接指向而成为行为客体。在传统的刑法理论中,刑法上的客体被仅仅局限为犯罪的客体,而在几乎所有现行刑法学教科书中,均把犯罪客体说成是犯罪行为侵犯的社会关系,这一违反哲学原理和法学原理的犯罪客体概念,本身包含着逻辑错误和定性错误。犯罪客体就是被犯罪行为直接侵害指向的人或物。     

徇私枉法罪原案两个问题的探讨

对徇私枉法罪原案的“有罪”理解及其管辖权的归属问题不仅在理论界存在较大争议,而且在司法实践中认定不一,直接影响了本罪的司法适用。本文通过辨析认为,“有罪”应理解为有证据证明的犯罪,而非法定之罪;对于原案的管辖权应视具体情况分别由相应的公安机关、检察机关和审判机关来行使。     

《维也纳外交关系公约》的特点和意义

本文把《维也纳外交关系公约》作为规范当今外交关系中包括外交特权在内的最基本问题的最完整、最全面和最具权威 ,就世界外交关系而言其意义仅次于《联合国宪章》的立法性国际文献来介绍和评述。文章分别评述了公约的诞生背景 ,特点和内容 ,作用和意义 ,同中国的关系以及国际社会的执行情况。     

俄印关系的发展及其特点

苏联解体后,俄印关系经历了三个阶段:从一度降温到关系改善,再到建立战略伙伴关系。这是两国不断调整各自的对外政策以适应冷战后国际形势发展的结果。俄印关系的主要特点是:不再含有军事同盟性质;防务合作是重点;合作领域扩大。     

COMMUNITY ACCOUNTABILITY,MINORITY THREAT,AND POLICE BRUTALITY: AN EXAMINATION OF CIVIL RIGHTS CRIMINAL COMPLAINTS*

A growing body of evidence shows that minorities are disproportionately the targets of police brutality, but important theoretical questions about the causes of that inequity remain unanswered. One promising line of research involves structural‐level analyses of the incidence of police brutality complaints; however, existing studies do not incorporate variables from alternative theoretical explanations. Drawing on the community accountability hypothesis and the threat hypothesis, we tested the predictions of two prominent structural‐level explanations of police brutality in a study of civil rights criminal complaints. The study included cities of 150,000+ population (n = 114). The findings reveal that two community accountability variables—ratio percent Hispanic citizens to percent Hispanic police officers and the presence of citizen review—were related positively to police brutality complaints, partially supporting that perspective. Two threat hypothesis measures of threatening people—percent black and percent Hispanic (in the Southwest)—were related positively to complaints, as predicted. The relative degree of support for the two hypotheses is assessed.     

冷战后中国—东盟关系的英国学派分析

本文首先对英国学派的国际社会理论进行了梳理,详细分析了国际体系、国际社会和世界社会的关系,并用此分析冷战后的中国—东盟关系。本文认为中国—东盟之间还没有形成成熟的国际社会,主要依据有:两者缺乏共同的核心价值观,两者关系的机制化程度不高。所以,要改善中国与东盟的关系,至少做到:加强中国与东盟的跨文化交流,真正发挥双边国际制度的作用。     

试析中国与印尼经贸关系存在的问题

近年来,中国与印尼经贸合作关系发展很快,两国双边贸易和中国对印尼基础设施建设的投资顺利发展,但也存在一些问题和障碍,尤其是中国一些商品对印尼的冲击引起印尼部分企业界的不满。本文拟对两国经贸关系存在问题,尤其是印尼纺织服装业受中国产品的冲击进行分析,提出解决问题的意见,以利于促进两国经贸关系的进一步发展。     

Disciplining Society through the City: The Genesis of City Planning in Brazil and Argentina (1894–1945)

This paper looks at the genesis of a discourse on urbanismo (city planning) in Brazil and Argentina between 1894 and 1945 using the ideas of Michel Foucault on discipline and his concept of bio–power. The demographic pattern of the major cities in both countries from 1890 onwards and the renewals of the centres of these cities are also discussed. Other sections are dedicated to the plans proposed for the same cities in the 1920s and to urban representations, such as ideas about social reform, the role of hygiene as a point of departure for planning, and the relationship of ideas on Taylorism (scientific management) and the city. The paper also discusses the planners opposition to elections, when they claimed that they were the only ones qualified to deal with urban problems and therefore they should be employed in the state apparatus.
Other concerns of the paper are the use of planning as an element of nation building and ideas defining eugenics (race 'betterment') as an important aspect of city planning. I conclude by arguing that, if implemented, city planning was a way of creating an industrial culture, disciplining society through the city, although the industrial proletariat has never made up the majority of the population in Brazil or Argentina. Even if many aspects of the plans proposed for both countries were not implemented, the discourse of planners can be seen as a will to discipline society through the city. This discipline would affect the freedom of movement of human bodies, and is therefore approached through Foucault's concepts of bio–power and discipline     

Strengthening Green Global Governance in a Disparate World SocietyWould a World Environment Organisation Benefit the South?

The debate on the advantages and disadvantages of upgrading the United Nations Environment Programme to a 'world environment organisation' (WEO) has gained momentum in both academe and politics. This article contends that a WEO would further the interests especially of developing countries, because it would provide them, first, a high-level forum to unite their individual bargaining power against the major industrialised countries. Second, a WEO would assist Southern efforts to garner international support for environmental programmes in regions and sectors that are increasingly bypassed by economic globalisation. Third, a WEO would create a locus to politically institutionalise the influence of non-governmental lobbyists in a way that increases the balance of opinions and perspectives. The article then addresses special challenges and caveats for developing countries in the upcoming negotiation process, in particular whether an upgraded UNEP would address only 'global' issues, thus absolving the international community from assisting developing countries in mitigating the more pressing local environmental issues in the South; whether the new body would have powerful sanctioning mechanisms, which might disproportionally affect developing countries; and what decision-making procedures the new body would have.