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851.
FRANK O. MORA 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2007,26(2):222-237
Since the beginning of the Cuban Revolution, Raúl Castro and his Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) has sought to maintain at least operational control over state security, i.e., the Ministry of Interior (Minint). Between 1960 and 1989 FAR and Minint competed for resources and for the attention of the Revolution’s supreme leader, Fidel Castro. In 1989 Raúl Castro was finally able to achieve his objective of absorbing Minint’s operational missions, namely domestic security, when, after a series of crises associated with the end of the Cold War, corruption scandals in Minint, and indiscretions by the Minint leadership, Fidel acquiesced and allowed Raúl and FAR to purge Minint and take control of state security. 相似文献
852.
苏静 《天水行政学院学报》2008,(4):77-80
协调西部省级政府间关系,加强相互间交流与合作,符合区域经济、社会发展趋势,而且协调有着良好的基础条件。 相似文献
853.
叶毅 《中国劳动关系学院学报》2003,17(2):20-22
工资集体协商是我国社会主义市场经济条件下,协调企业劳动关系、维护劳动者合法权益的一种重要的维权方式.充分认识工资集体协商工作的重要性和必要性、积极探索开展这项工作的有效途径,对于依法履行工会维护的基本职责、建立并完善平等协商和集体合同制度十分重要. 相似文献
854.
Mary B. Harris 《Journal of family violence》1992,7(2):85-102
To investigate gender and ethnic differences in experiences of violence, 415 Black and White males and females were asked about some of their aggressive behaviors in the past. In their most aggressive encounters, males were more likely than females to have received and instigated physical violence and females to have experienced violence in a sexual context; same-sex aggression was more common than cross-sex violence. More males than females had urged or screamed at others to be more aggressive, with males more likely to incite other males and females to urge other females to be aggressive. Males were more likely than females to have last been angry with a male, and a number of sex differences were found in the behaviors exhibited when last angry. Although positive consequences of aggression did not differ significantly by sex, females were more likely to have experienced negative interpersonal effects of behaving aggressively and males to have suffered physical harm or legal troubles. Relatively few differences between Black and White subjects were found, but Black males were more likely than Whites to keep their anger to themselves and to get the target in trouble; White males were more likely to yell at the target and tell the target of their anger. White females were more likely than Blacks to get the target in trouble. In general, the results are consistent with sex role stereotypes and suggest that the experiences of aggression and responses to anger may be substantially different for males and females. 相似文献
855.
H. H. Lai 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2006,11(1):55-77
In the post-Mao era China’s society and religion are both becoming increasingly pluralistic. State policies toward religion
are also evolving. Views of state-society relations as “totalitarian” exaggerate the state’s control; the civil-society approach
overestimates society’s autonomy. This paper explains the state’s religious policies in terms of a “post-totalitarian” frame
of reference. Religious organizations and the Communist Party share a reliance on ideology and organization to operate and
survive, making them potential rivals. As a shrewd monopolist of organizational and ideological instruments, the state seeks
to reduce the threat posed by religion, adopting differentiated strategies toward them as they revive. The state co-opts,
tolerates, deters, restricts, or suppresses different religions or sects, according to each specific religion’s organizational
strength, doctrine, and compliance with state authority. The state is thus able to prevent the rise of large, independent,
and organized religious groups while leaving considerable space for religious activity.
Dr. H. H. Lai is a faculty member the National University of Singapore who has researched on China’s state-society relations.
The author would like to thank three anonymous reviewers for their comments and Mr. Kelly for his thorough and helpful copy
editing. 相似文献
856.
南传佛教壁画是东南亚佛教文化圈里重要的外显文化之一,也是对贝叶经中所载典籍、历史、文学故事等内容的一种艺术化的解读和教育传播方式。它在云南的本土化和民族化,使其长期以来影响着这些地区少数民族的意识形态,并成为民族历史、民族关系、民族传统工艺、民族生态观、民族伦理道德教育等内容的重要载体;又因其国际性地位,还肩负着文化交流的作用,在政治、经济、文化冲突中起着缓和乃至化解的功能。 相似文献
857.
Thorvald Gran 《公共行政管理与发展》2007,27(4):293-305
Truthfulness, the norm of science, is etymologically related to trust. Both concepts are related to ‘tree’, as a symbol for grounded knowledge, for differentiation (the tree of knowledge), for uprightness and reliability (Searle, 1995). Truthfulness generates trust. Trust generates community. The land politics and trust project in South Africa (Askvik and Bak, 2005) investigated how trust relations intervened within and between government institutions engaged in redistribution and management of land. It enquired into trust relations between the land state and stakeholders in land. It assessed how the new ANC‐controlled state intervened into the relation between market‐oriented urban industry and subsistence‐oriented livelihoods on communal land. Could that intervention explain the slow pace of land redistribution? The field work was done in the Northern and the Western Cape provinces. A hypothesis is that unconditional personal trust across institutional boundaries is a condition for post‐colonial, post‐liberation community building. In 2001, aspects of political democracy were in place. Trust relations between government institutions and to stakeholders in land varied, but were limited. Trusted mediators between the institutions, across cultures, were few and far apart. Subsistence‐oriented livelihoods on communal land were there to be transformed to commercial farming. The three‐step Government strategy, growth in the urban economy, commercialisation of rural subsistence production and rural welfare from the urban surplus, augmented separation, disbelief and distrust. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
858.
859.
中共宁夏回族自治区委政策研究室 《宁夏党校学报》2008,10(5):5-8
宁夏历届党委、政府都十分重视民族工作,统筹民族工作与改革发展稳定大局,为进一步构建和睦相处、和衷共济、活力涌动的宁夏环境,积累了丰富的民族工作经验。 相似文献
860.
软权力理论是约瑟夫·奈从自由主义角度对权力这一国际政治中的核心概念所做的诠释,引起了各界的广泛关注。本文在提出软权力理论赖以产生的现实和理论背景的基础上,对奈的软权力理论的进行梳理,以澄清奈的软权力概念的确切内涵,并对该理论作出评价,为进一步发展和完善软权力理论提供思路。 相似文献