应注重发挥少数民族传统伦理文化在西部大开发中的作用——来自"六山六水"民族调查的启示

本文从贵州“六山六水”民族调查的实践体会中 ,对少数民族传统伦理道德进行了探讨 ,认为在少数民族传统社会中道德习俗有重要地位 ,但未形成理论形态的道德体系。在西部大开发中 ,应取其精华 ,规范完善 ,使其发挥作用     

贵州"六山六水"民族调查中的民族语言调查

在贵州“六山六水”民族调查中 ,民族语言的调查是一个重要的组成部分。本文乃是就这 2 0年来的民族语言调查进行总结 ,并提出自己的见解。     

注重调查研究 发展民族理论——纪念"六山六水"民族调查20周年

“六山六水”调查 (贵州民族调查 ) ,是我国民族研究历史上未曾有过的重大学术研究工程 ,为贵州省的民族研究事业、为全国的民族研究事业积累了宝贵的资料 ,将成为世界各民族文化重要的一部分。本文乃是对这一调查研究工程的学术价值和意义提出自己的看法。     

贵州"六山六水"民族调查20周年的回顾与展望

本文通过对“六山六水”民族调查 2 0年调查概况 ,调查类型、方法与特征 ,调查成就的回顾和分析 ,进而提出了进一步搞好“六山六水”民族调查的建议。     

黔东南苗族侗族自治州出生性别比失调问题研究

本文在对贵州黔东南苗族侗族自治州出生性别比长期、重度、整体偏高的历史与现状描述的基础上,就其失调原因及影响进行了分析研究,并结合调查就治理问题提出了建议,以期为民族地区和谐社会建设所需的良好人口安全环境构建提供积极的资政参考。     

The Fiji Election of 2014: Rights,Representation and Legitimacy in Fiji Politics

Abstract

Fiji’s 2014 election was its first in eight years, first under the 2013 constitution, and first using a common roll of electors with proportional representation. In the new parliament of 50 seats, the coup leader of 2006, Frank Bainimarama, emerged triumphant. His FijiFirst Party won 32 seats, with the Social Democratic Liberal Party, a successor party to earlier indigenous Fijian parties, winning 15 and the National Federation Party three. The election of the new parliament marked the end of Fiji’s longest period under a military government since independence. How should the significance of these elections be judged in the context of Fiji’s history? Do they represent the breakthrough to democratic stability that so many Fiji citizens have wanted for so long? Or are they just another phase of Fiji’s turbulent politics, a democratic pause before another lurch into authoritarian government?     

The Paris Peace Conference and the Armenian arguments on Garabagh

The South Caucasus, which includes Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, is one of the most challenging regions in the world, owing to its long-lasting and ongoing conflicts. One of these conflicts is between Armenia and Azerbaijan, the current stage of which has continued for 25 years without any prospect of a settlement in the near future. For a better understanding of this conflict it is necessary to go back to 1918 and 1919, which witnessed the emergence of the first Azerbaijan and Armenian Republics. The article examines and assesses the ethnic, historical, economic, geographical and security arguments submitted by the Armenian government to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 to substantiate its vision of territorial delimitation between Armenia and Azerbaijan regarding Garabagh. The article argues that Armenian nationalism was ethnic nationalism and that the Armenian government constructed politically motivated arguments to substantiate its claims to Garabagh, which were part of its nationalist aim of constructing an Armenian ‘ethno-nation’ in the area from the Mediterranean to Garabagh.     

民族传统文化在当今的意义、命运与前景

民族传统文化是民族向心力、凝聚力的基础与核心,是国际竞争中起决定性作用的软实力所在,是实现中华民族伟大复兴的根基与动力,我们须予以切实保护、大力弘扬、锐意创新。     

文化认同选择权——对少数民族文化认同问题的思考

文化认同是多元的和动态的,忽视少数民族成员的文化认同选择权将导致强制同化或者强制反同化,不利于民族文化的传承发展以及国家认同感的维系。保护民族文化的多样性和构建文化认同、国家认同,都必须以尊重和保护少数民族成员的文化认同选择权为前提。     

“At That Time We Were Intimidated on All Sides”: Residues of the Malayan Emergency as a Conjunctural Episode of Dispossession

ABSTRACT:

This article proposes that the Emergency counterinsurgency campaign of the British colonial state should be viewed as a conjunctural episode of dispossession of Malayan laboring people. Conjunctural episodes of dispossession of working people through state violence and racialized rhetoric emerge as a response to crises in capitalist accumulation occurring at multiple and overlapping scales of capitalist systems – the imperial, the national/colonial, and the local/regional. During these episodes state and capitalist strategies destroy political organizations and solidarities among laboring people and demoralize them over long periods of time, through processes simultaneously material and semiotic. Employing new theorizations of the global anthropology of labor, this article first examines the postwar and Emergency years when the multiethnic and industry-wide bases of Malayan trade unions were destroyed while an estimated half a million working people were forcibly concentrated in so-called New Villages. This had the effect of suppressing a discourse of class and class struggle in favor of a dominant discourse of ethnic conflict. In an effort to articulate class struggle despite the presence of this dominant discourse of essential ethnic difference this essay examines the formation of a new working men's “society” in 1978–1980 and a dispute between truck drivers and truck owners in northern Malaysia.